Frank Brennan

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Free speech and the plebiscite on same sex marriage

    Chris Puplick, a former senator and former president of the NSW Anti-Discrimination Board, is one of a rising chorus expressing strong objections to the Australian Catholic bishops daring to evangelise and speak publicly about their views on same sex marriage.

    Writing in The Australian on 5 December 2015, Puplick asserts: ‘When a person or group of people is described in official publications as being seriously depraved, intrinsically disordered, less than whole and messing with kids, they are entitled to take offence, and to the extent they feel they have been vilified and subjected to hate speech they should of course seek to avail themselves of the protection against such calumnies as have been provided for by the various legislatures around Australia.

    ‘It is simply wrong to say that such proceedings are an attempt to deny the Catholic Church the right to ventilate its views about traditional marriage.’

    I too would be very upset if my bishops were saying that homosexuals are ‘seriously depraved, intrinsically disordered, less than whole and messing with kids’. But they’re not. Think only of Pope Francis’ remark during the press conference on the plane on the way back from World Youth Day: ‘If a person is gay and seeks the Lord and has good will, who am I to judge him?’

    Gone are the days of rainbow sashes outside cathedrals and threats of communion bans. The fact that Puplick can seriously caricature episcopal utterances in this way shows what a contested and emotive space we are in. All because Tony Abbott convinced his party room that it was a good idea to have a plebiscite on same sex marriage.

    Many same sex couples and their supporters claim discrimination because their relationships cannot be recognised as marriage under the Commonwealth Marriage Act.

    I have long claimed that our federal politicians should have a conscience vote on same sex marriage. The Labor Party muddied the waters at their national conference in July 2015 by cobbling together a compromise motion allowing a conscience vote only until 2019, with members then being bound to support same sex marriage after the election after next.

    Given Labor’s abandonment of a conscience vote until the matter is finally resolved on the floor of the Parliament, the Coalition found itself more free to make its own political calculations about the utility of a conscience vote on its side of the chamber.

    Given developments in countries like Ireland, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and the USA, I have accepted the inevitability that civil marriage in Australia will ultimately be redefined to include committed same sex relationships.

    Given the increasing number of children being brought up by same sex couples, it is desirable that the state take away any social stigma against same sex parents.

    Given the ageing population, the state has an interest in recognising and protecting long term relationships of same sex couples who care for each other.

    Given the harmful effects of homophobia, the state has an interest in encouraging broad community acceptance of those members who are homosexual. Laws and policies can help in this regard.

    It is one thing for Commonwealth law to recognise same sex unions as marriages. It is another thing to require all persons, regardless of their religious beliefs, to treat same sex couples even in the life and activities of a church as if they were married in the eyes of their church.

    The religious freedom issues involved in the same sex marriage debate are about more than making space for religious celebrants determining who they will or will not marry. Though the issues would not necessarily be covered by amendments to the Commonwealth Marriage Act, the passage of those amendments will be the trigger for revisiting and redefining these issues.

    A plebiscite on this issue is a waste of time and risks turning very nasty, especially now that both the prime minister and the leader of the opposition support same sex marriage. The plebiscite advocates were opponents of same sex marriage who thought it would give them more airplay back in the days when the prime minister was a strong opponent of same sex marriage. With Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten on the same page, the opponents will get little airplay.

    While the debate rages, it is only appropriate that religious groups like the Catholic bishops be able to evangelise their position, especially their concern that children in future be assured a known biological mother and a known biological father.

    To date, the bishops have spoken cautiously and respectfully, with perhaps the occasional lapse into loose language. They know their views are not in fashion.

    It is ridiculous to have national debate on a plebiscite stifled by assertions that church teaching on marriage is offensive to some individuals, and likely to cause offence to the so-called ‘reasonable person’. National debate should not be put on hold while an anti-discrimination commissioner, egged on by her predecessor in another jurisdiction, decides whether it is arguable that a reasonable person might be offended. The commissioner and her tribunal are not the thought police. Or at least, they shouldn’t be.

    The Commissioner’s processes should not be used to shut down national debate about the desirability of profound social change, silencing one side of the plebiscite debate while the other side is free to be as offensive to religious folk as they will, given that there is no state enforcer of religious niceness — and neither am I campaigning for one.

    Commentators like Mr Puplick should admit that the anti-religious sentiments expressed in the present debate far exceed any traces of homophobic utterance by religious leaders.

    Many of those who take offence at remarks by the bishops are those who think churches should butt out of all moral debate in the public square. On this one, we should all let a thousand flowers bloom. When the plebiscite vote is carried in favour of same sex marriage, as I am confident it will be, there will still be a need for our Parliament to legislate complex provisions protecting religious freedom and expanding the freedom to marry.

    It’s only a parliament, not a plebiscite, which can legislate the complex details of equality and the protection of all rights, including the right to religious freedom.

     

    Frank Brennan SJ is professor of law at Australian Catholic University. This is an excerpt from his Human Rights Day tribute to the Northern Territory’s Tony Fitzgerald.  This article was first published on Eureka Street on 10 December 2015.

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Cardinal Pell, his lawyers and the Royal Commission

    The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse is about to recommence its case study on the Catholic Church in Ballarat. Last week, the Melbourne Herald Sun reported: ‘Victims of child sexual abuse look set to be grilled by lawyers for Cardinal George Pell in a bid to quash explosive allegations he was complicit in a widespread cover-up.’

    Cardinal Pell will have legal representation separate from the legal team appearing for the Church. He will return from Rome and give evidence at the public hearing next month.

    I am one of those Catholic priests who thinks that the church’s Truth Justice and Healing Council has done a good job insisting that the needs of victims be paramount. From the start, the council’s lawyers told the Royal Commission that they would not be cross-examining witnesses, testing their credibility, and doubting their evidence of sexual abuse by church personnel.

    Wanting to assist with healing for victims and wanting to learn all available lessons about how to avoid future abuse and cover-ups, the Church has been prepared to place second issues of institutional and personal reputation of church officials. The wellbeing of victims has been put first during the church’s conduct of the commission.

    Our critics would say this is too little, too late. They may be right. But as a church we are in the business of repentance, forgiveness and making a fresh start.

    We were given a fine example recently by the Anglican Archbishop Philip Aspinall who appeared before the commission admitting past mistakes in the conduct of two Brisbane schools, intelligently wrestling with the complex issues, and always putting justice and healing for the victims first.i

    Things get difficult now that the commission has Cardinal Pell back in its gaze. His reputation is on the line and the commission has spared no effort in scrutinising his past actions. No one else has been called three times before the commission.

    The commission even went to the trouble of conducting a private hearing and then a public hearing with the notorious pedophile priest Gerald Ridsdale giving evidence. Ridsdale did not come up to proof, clearly causing considerable upset to Justice McClellan and his counsel assisting Ms Gail Furness SC.

    The judge reminded Ridsdale the commission could track down proof of anyone having visited Ridsdale in jail between the private and public hearings. McClellan almost seemed to be suggesting that Ridsdale might have been nobbled. In any event, Ridsdale provided no credible or probative evidence.

    A month after Ridsdale’s appearance, McClellan explained his reasons for calling Ridsdale and other notorious pedophiles. He not only wanted to get a sense of why these individuals offend.

    But in this case study, he thought such individuals had ‘a capacity to tell us of the relationship between themselves and more senior members of their institutions, including the bishop or archbishop if they come from a religious institution. They can tell us if others knew of their offending conduct and help us to understand how the church responded or failed to respond to that conduct.’

    Ridsdale told them nothing in the public hearing.

    Pell has appeared before the commission in two previous public hearings — in the case studies on the Ellis Case and on the Melbourne response. Each time, the commission found some conflict of evidence between Pell and another witness. Each time the commission preferred the evidence of the other witness, doubting Pell’s recollection.

    In the Ellis matter, Pell had a different recollection from Monsignor Brian Rayner, his Vicar General. Rayner gave evidence that he had kept Pell apprised of the dealings between the diocese and Mr Ellis.

    Pell stated, ‘To the best of my recollection, I was not made aware at the time of any of those figures or offers. I was not consulted, as best I recall, about what financial amount should be considered. Nor was I made aware of the other factors which appear to have been significant in the way the facilitation process developed.’

    The Commission stated, ‘It seems unlikely that, in light of the legal action being foreshadowed, the Cardinal, as responsible for the finances of the Archdiocese and as the Church Authority responsible for ensuring that victims were dealt with justly, would not have sought or been provided with the offers made as part of the facilitation and the outcome.’

    The commission found Rayner to be ‘a truthful witness who did his best to provide an honest account’.

    In the Melbourne Response hearing, the commission heard from various witnesses about a key parish meeting which related to abuse in the parish of the Foster family. Cardinal Pell had no recollection of the meeting being ‘unpleasant or rowdy’. Pell’s account basically accorded with the evidence of Archbishop Denis Hart and Ms Helen Last who worked for the archdiocese’s Pastoral Response Office.

    The Commission found: ‘Notwithstanding these differing accounts, we accept Mrs Foster’s recollection of the events. Given the circumstances of the public meeting and her personal interest in the reading of the letter, she is less likely to recall the events incorrectly.

    ‘The impression the meeting left on the senior members of the Church is different, but no doubt both Cardinal Pell and Archbishop Hart have attended multiple meetings and recollections as to the impact of the events on the audience may not be as clear for them as for Mrs Foster.’

    So twice, the commission has preferred the recollection of others to that of Pell.

    At the Ballarat hearing, two victims, Timothy Green and David Ridsdale (a nephew of Gerald, the serial pedophile), made specific allegations under oath against Pell, allegations which had previously been publicly denied by Pell, and which were denied again by Pell in a media statement on 20 May 2015.

    Green told the Royal Commission that when a school boy in the change room at the swimming pool in 1974 he said to Pell: ‘We’ve got to do something about what’s going on at St Pat’s.’ He recalls the conversation going like this: ‘Father Pell said, “Yes, what do you mean?” I said, “Brother Dowlan is touching little boys.” Father Pell said, “Don’t be so ridiculous,” and walked out.’

    Pell has no recollection of Green at that time, and he has no recollection of such a conversation.

    David Ridsdale gave sworn evidence that he called Pell in 1993 to report that he had been abused in the past by his priest uncle Gerald. Immediately after the phone conversation with Pell, David Ridsdale claims to have called both his sisters and said: ‘The bastard just tried to bribe me.’

    He gave the commission this account of the conversation with Pell: ‘Me: “Excuse me, George, what the **** are you talking about?” George said, “I want to know what it will take to keep you quiet.” My response was, “**** you George, and everything you stand for.” I hung up the phone.’

    Pell says: ‘At no time did I attempt to bribe David Ridsdale or his family or offer any financial inducements for him to be silent. At the time of our discussion the police were already aware of allegations against Gerald Ridsdale and were investigating.’

    The royal commissioner has indicated that he wants to make findings in relation to these matters and also into Pell’s more generic claims that he knew nothing and could do nothing when a consultor to the bishop in Ballarat and when auxiliary bishop to Archbishop Francis Little in Melbourne. Pell will give sworn evidence. Undoubtedly he will be cross-examined.

    After Green had given evidence, Justice McClellan, inviting cross-examination, warned the church lawyers who wanted to follow their usual practice of not cross-examining victims: ‘I should tell you that I would anticipate we’ll be asked to make findings about some of the matters that Mr Green has included in his statement. It’s a matter for you and those instructing you, but I should put you on notice that that’s a real possibility.’ He issued a similar warning after David Ridsdale had given evidence.

    For the sake of Pell’s reputation, his lawyers will need to cross examine Green and Ridsdale testing their recollection and the consistency of their accounts, not about the sexual abuse they suffered, but about their recollections of any church cover-up.

    The fact that these men were sexually abused as children is uncontested. The issue is whether their claims that Pell knew or tried to effect some form of cover-up are true and accurate recollections.

    Given the high degree of scrutiny applied to Pell by the commission and the media, it’s only fair that he have his lawyers cross examine these two victims who claim that he did not want to know that abuse occurred or even worse, that he tried to cover it up. And it is appropriate given that both Green and Ridsdale have indicated they have no objection being recalled to be so examined.

    It is imperative now that all parties be seen and heard in public so that we can all make our assessments of recollection and credibility up to 22 and 41 years on.

    Once the commission has addressed the reputation and recollection of Messrs Pell, Green and Ridsdale, we should all then get back to seeing what changes can be made to institutions, especially the Catholic Church, so that the risks of child sexual abuse and of cover-up and inadequate response are minimised as much as possible.

    Frank Brennan SJ is professor of law at Australian Catholic University. This article first appeared in Eureka Street on 23 November 2015.


     

     

  • Frank Brennan. Border control gulags have had their time

    What are the chances of Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten agreeing by Christmas that it’s time to close the refugee processing centres on Nauru and Manus Island? Turnbull and Shorten already agree that the boats coming from Indonesia should be stopped. The boats are now being stopped, if need be, with turnbacks, which neither side of politics now questions.

    Now that the boats have been stopped and will remain stopped no matter who is in government, there is no reason to maintain the facilities on Nauru and Manus Island. The conditions in these facilities are not only harsh, they are cruel. These facilities no longer serve any useful purpose. They cost a fortune. They are wreaking havoc with the local community as well as with the traumatised detainees. They have outlived their intended purpose. They are gulags which rightly tarnish Australia’s reputation.

    Consider the history. When Julia Gillard failed to have her Malaysia solution implemented, she set up an expert panel chaired by Air Chief Marshall Angus Houston, the respected, recently retired Chief of the Armed Forces. In August 2012, Houston’s panel told the Gillard government that ‘the conditions required for effective, lawful and safe turnbacks of irregular vessels headed for Australia with asylum seekers on board are not currently met in regard to turnbacks to Indonesia’.

    So they looked for other short-term measures. Having studied John Howard’s 2001 Pacific solution, the panel concluded that ‘in the short term, the establishment of processing facilities in Nauru as soon as practical is a necessary circuit breaker to the current surge in irregular migration to Australia’.

    When Kevin Rudd replaced Gillard in June 2013, he set about resurrecting the Pacific Solution immediately but with an added ‘nasty’: anyone found to be a refugee on Nauru or on Manus Island would be resettled anywhere except Australia.

    The situation has changed radically in the last three years. We no longer need a ‘circuit breaker’. Retired Major General Jim Molan has advised government that the conditions for effective, lawful and safe turnbacks are now met. The military have turned back boats. They have stopped the boats coming.i

    Tony Abbott as prime minister was adamant that his government was acting decently when stopping the boats and turning them back. The government is confident that the people smuggling racket in Java has been smashed. The Labor Party national conference has signed off on stopping the boats and agreeing to turnbacks if they be required.

    I concede that there is no way that Turnbull would agree to any substantive change for some months until he can be satisfied that the change of prime minister has not resulted in any renewed effort by people smugglers to regroup in Java.

    And there is no reason to think that Turnbull’s approach would deviate in the least from Abbott’s. He was after all the leader of the Opposition at the time Kevin Rudd was dealing with the Oceanic Viking incident in Indonesia. Everything Turnbull said at that time was taken from John Howard’s song sheet, completely consistent with everything later said by Abbott as prime minister.

    For example, Turnbull told parliament on 20 October 2009:

    It should not ever be controversial to state, as a matter of policy and principle, that Australians have the right to decide who comes to this country, our country, and the manner in which they come. The previous prime minister, Mr Howard, was criticised for saying that, but the fact is that that is what every Australian expects of their government.

    Under the Howard government it took a range of strong measures and years of vigilance to halt people smuggling. The Rudd government, on the other hand, has quite deliberately, and with dangerous naivety, unpicked the fabric of that suite of policies, sending an unmistakeable message to people-smugglers that our borders are open for business.

    In short, Labor has lost control of our borders.

    In May 2014, Turnbull as a minister in the Abbott cabinet did concede that Rudd’s renewed Pacific solution as enacted by Abbott was harsh, indeed very harsh. Though conceding that others thought it cruel, he did not think it so.

    When asked on BBC TV if he was comfortable with Australia’s policy of ‘outsourcing its human rights responsibilities to ill-equipped third countries’, Turnbull replied: ‘I don’t think any of us is entirely comfortable with any policies relating to border protection.’ He was insistent that Australia was acting in compliance with international law.

    He then added: ‘We have harsh measures, some would say they are cruel measures. I would not go so far as to say they are cruel. But let’s not argue about the semantics. The fact is that if you want to stop the people smuggling business you have to be very, very tough.’

    Anyone hoping a Turnbull government will be more accommodating of boat people than an Abbott government will be sadly mistaken.

    But that is not the end of the matter. Now that the Australian government with Opposition concurrence has firmly closed the entry door to Australia, there is no warrant for maintaining the chamber of horrors in the Pacific which was set up as a ‘circuit breaker’ deterrent. Turnbull needs to admit that a purposeless chamber of horrors is not just harsh; it is cruel, and it is unAustralian.

    After a few months transition, it will be time to close the facilities on Nauru and in Papua New Guinea; abandon the Cambodian shipment plan; negotiate a regional agreement for safe returns ensuring compliance with the non-refoulement obligation; and double the refugee and humanitarian component from 13,750 places to 27,000 places in the migration program, as recommended by the 2012 panel.

    The government should encourage further community participation in a refugee resettlement scheme which allows refugee communities and their supporters to increase the number of refugees resettled without taking the places of those refugees who would come anyway without community sponsorship.

    Why not increase the humanitarian program to at least 20,000 places as was espoused by both sides of politics before the 2013 election campaign? And why not provide another 7000 places for community sponsored refugees?

    Novelist Tim Winton has rightly said that there is a need for Australia to turn back, to ‘raise us back up to our best selves’. We, the voters, are sick and tired of the unnecessary meanness and nastiness. We can walk and chew gum at the same time. We can both secure our borders and increase our commitment to orderly resettlement of more refugees.

    We can secure our borders without the Pacific gulags and the oppressive onshore measures denying asylum seekers work rights and adequate welfare assistance. The ethical dividend of closing our borders is being able to treat anyone inside our borders decently and being able to bring asylum seekers in Nauru and Manus Island to Australia for processing and resettlement.

    If the boats could have been stopped back in 2012, there is no way that Houston’s panel would ever have recommended the Nauru/Manus Island gulag. We the voters should now demand the ethical dividend from Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten.


    This is part of Frank Brennan’s address The Ethical Challenge of Stopping the Boats Upstream, Closing the Camps Downstream and Opening Community Services to the Melaleuca Refugee Centre, Darwin, delivered on 29 September 2015.

     

  • Frank Brennan. Bishop Geoffrey Robinson at the Royal Commission on Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse.

    The royal commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse continues to fill us with dread that we have not yet adequately identified why the incidence of abuse reported in our institutions is higher than in other churches. The divisions amongst our bishops, previously unreported and unknown previously to many of the faithful, are disheartening. Just this week we have heard Bishop Geoffrey Robinson who was an auxiliary bishop to Cardinal Pell when he was archbishop of Sydney telling the royal commission that His Eminence ‘had lost the support of the majority of his priests and that alone made him a most ineffective bishop’. Cardinal Pell is the most promoted Catholic cleric in Australian history. The point is not whether Bishop Robinson is right or wrong. The point is that we are part of a social institution which is suffering an acute loss of institutional coherence when an auxiliary bishop sees a need to make such a public statement about his erstwhile archbishop.

    Two days ago at that royal commission a letter was tendered for all the world to see. It is a letter from Bishop Robinson to His Excellency Archbishop Franco Brambilla who was the papal nuncio here in 1996. According to Bishop Robinson, the nuncio had earlier asserted that there was no such thing as child sexual abuse in the Italian Church. The nuncio had written to Robinson castigating him for criticising the Vatican for being too slow to respond to child abuse in the Church. Robinson had been speaking at a conference dealing with sexual abuse at Sydney University, attended by ‘about 40 victims and 40 journalists’.  One of the participants had suffered abuse at the hands of a Melkite bishop (who died in 2012). Bishop Robinson replied on 8 June 1996:

    Turning now to the particular case, I was well aware that in the audience I was speaking to there was a woman who for nearly twelve months had been the victim of the sexual abuse of Bishop George Riashi. He admitted the abuse to Bishop Peter Connors and to yourself at the end of 1993. He also admitted it to the victim in the presence of Bishop Connors. You reported the matter to ‘Rome’ and he was withdrawn from Australia in November 1994. In the month before that, during the last Synod, Cardinal Clancy and Bishop Connors personally informed the Cardinal Prefect of the Oriental Congregation of all aspects of the matter.

    From overseas Bishop Riashi continued to insist that he was still Eparch of Australia and would be returning. In June 1995 this was confirmed in a public letter from the Melkite Patriarch. In August 1995, however, Bishop Riashi was instead promoted to be Archbishop of Tripoli in Lebanon. In this capacity he then returned to Sydney in August-September and made many public statements about his innocence and about bad people who sought to discredit him. He succeeded in turning many people against his own victim so that they blamed her rather than him.

    Bishop Robinson went on to say to the Apostolic Nuncio: ‘In the matter of Bishop Riashi ‘Rome’ has been of no assistance whatsoever to the Church in Australia. It has, instead, created the potential for a massive scandal in this country.’ I daresay none of us had any idea that this sort of thing was going on. How could it have been possible for such a man to be further promoted in the church hierarchy when there had been admission of such wrongdoing and full disclosure to all relevant church authorities just 20 years ago? How could the papal nuncio who knew all this be writing to castigate a bishop who was saying that there must be a better way, especially when that bishop was the one steering the bishops’ conference at that time to finalise the Towards Healing protocol?

    So things are not easy. They are not easy for me as a Catholic priest in the public square. They are not easy for those of you turning up to work each day in your healthcare facilities to further the mission of the Church. They remain wretched for many victims who doubt that the Church can again be trusted. I thank you for your perseverance and pray that together we can make a better fist of holding out to the world the face and hands of Christ.

     

    The above extracts are from an address to the Catholic Health Australia Conference on 26 August 2015. The full text was published in Eureka Street.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Four preconditions for supporting marriage equality.

    A committed Catholic gay man, whose integrity I admire and whose hurt from ongoing homophobia I feel, recently asked me to sign a letter to Prime Minister Tony Abbott urging that Coalition members be granted a conscience vote and that the Commonwealth Marriage Act be amended promptly to include same sex marriage. He assured me that any change to the law would accommodate religious celebrants who would not celebrate gay weddings, and for religious reasons.

    I declined his request, assuring him my prayers and a commitment to ongoing dialogue.

    I have long claimed that our federal politicians should have a conscience vote on same sex marriage. The Labor Party muddied the waters at their national conference last month by cobbling together a compromise motion allowing a conscience vote only until 2019, with members then being bound to support same sex marriage after the election after next.

    Given Labor’s abandonment of a conscience vote until the matter is finally resolved on the floor of the Parliament, the Coalition is now more free to make its own political calculations about the utility of a conscience vote on its side of the chamber.

    Given developments in countries like Ireland and the USA, I have accepted the inevitability that civil marriage in Australia will ultimately be redefined to include same sex couples. But advocates for change need to concede the point made by church leaders in their own letter to Abbott on 5 June 2015:

    Far from being unusual in the international community for not supporting ‘same-sex marriage’, Australia’s definition of marriage as a union of a man and a woman is consistent with that of the vast majority of world nations, who represent over 91 per cent of the global population.

    To date, only 21 of the 193 member states of the United Nations have changed their legal definition of marriage to incorporate same-sex unions.

    Given the increasing number of children being brought up by same sex couples, it is desirable that the state take away any social stigma against same sex parents. Given the ageing population, the state has an interest in recognising and protecting long term relationships of same sex couples who care for each other. Given the harmful effects of homophobia, it has an interest in encouraging broad community acceptance of those members who are homosexual. Laws and policies can help in this regard.

    It is one thing for Commonwealth law to recognise same sex unions as marriages. It is another thing to require all persons, regardless of their religious beliefs, to treat same sex couples even in the life and activities of a church as if they were married in the eyes of their church.

    The religious freedom issues involved in the same sex marriage debate are about more than making space for religious celebrants determining who they will or will not marry. Though the issues would not necessarily be covered by amendments to the Commonwealth Marriage Act, the passage of those amendments will be the trigger for revisiting and redefining these issues.

    At the moment, some religious institutions restrict facilities such as shared accommodation on a church site to married couples. Would the maintenance of that restriction to couples in a traditional marriage be judged discriminatory and unlawful? Some religious schools limit employment to teachers who follow the church teaching on sexual relations. Would the exclusion of a homosexual teacher be prohibited once the teacher had entered into a state recognised same sex marriage?

    Faith based adoption agencies tend to have a preference for placing a child who is not related to any prospective adoptive parent with a family unit including an adult male and an adult female thinking that is in the best interests of the child. Would that now be judged discriminatory?

    In the future, some religious groups will assert that reproductive technology should be limited so that any child will be assured a known biological mother and a known biological father regardless of whether the child is to be raised by a heterosexual couple, a homosexual couple or a single parent. Will that be judged bigoted discrimination, especially if homosexual couples are the ones most likely to want to use such developing technology to create their own children?

    These questions require answers, and without claims of homophobia and simple reassurances that there is ‘nothing to fear from equality’.

    The unfortunate effect of the US Supreme Court decision was that all these issues were put off to another day without discussion and with the imputation that they are the concerns only of bigots or old fashioned religious zealots. Many citizens, myself included, support the state recognition of both same sex marriage AND religious freedom exercised in speech, actions and institutional arrangements.

    I readily accept that the Commonwealth Parliament will legislate for same sex marriage in the foreseeable future. When Parliament does, I will be fully accepting of that decision. I won’t lose any sleep over it, and I will be happy for people like the man who asked me to sign a letter to Abbott, hoping that it helps put an end to homophobia, especially in religious communities.

    If asked by politicians how they should exercise their conscience vote, there is no way that I would say that they should not support civil recognition of same sex marriage. But neither would I say that they must support it NOW. If I were a member of parliament, I would want four assurances before I voted for same sex marriage:

    1. The assurance that religious groups could continue to order their religious and church affairs consistent with their teaching on marriage.

    2. The assurance that adoption authorities could always make decisions in the best interests of the child.

    3. The assurance that state authorised/funded assisted reproduction services would not be expanded to allow the creation of a child without just one known biological mother and just one known biological father.

    4. The assurance that those who had religious objections to same sex marriage would not be required by law to violate their own consciences in the performance of professional or artistic services (as distinct from the simple sale of goods or provision of other services) when that performance is usually enhanced by the person believing in the relationship that is being celebrated or sustained.

    If those four assurances were given and if I were a member of parliament, I would vote in favour of a bill granting civil recognition to same sex marriage. It is important to emphasise that these assurances would not be contained in the amended Commonwealth Marriage Act. For example, adoption is more a matter for the states than the Commonwealth. But now is the time for the Australian community to work out the broad contours of these assurances.

    Once the Marriage Act is amended, should a church school be able to decline to offer married quarters to a teacher in a same sex marriage? I would answer ‘yes’, though I would hope a church school would be open to the employment of a gay teacher living in a committed relationship. Equally I would continue to allow a church school to make a free choice as to who best to employ as a teacher.

    Given the lamentable history of homophobia, I would think a good church school would be pleased to employ an openly gay teacher who respects and espouses the school’s ethos. Free choice is often better than legal prescription when trying to educate in the ways of truth and love.

    Should a church aged care facility be able to decline to offer married quarters to a couple who had contracted a same sex marriage? I would answer ‘yes’, though I would hope a church facility would be open to providing such accommodation in Christian charity if it could be done in a way not to cause upset to other residents. After all, same sex marriage is a very modern phenomenon and I would favour ongoing tolerance of the residents in aged care facilities wanting to live out their last days with individuals and couples in relationships such as they have long known them.

    However, even in Catholic aged care facilities, we need to admit that not all couples are living in a church recognised marriage, and it is no business of other residents to know if they are. We need to allow everyone time to adapt with good grace, provided only that we can be certain that appropriate services are available elsewhere if a church feels unable to oblige on religious grounds.

    The four assurances I have listed as preconditions for signing up to civil recognition of same sex marriage will not be given by advocates at this time. If they are given, they will result from horse trading in the political process, and for that reason I don’t think it appropriate that I now simply urge the passage of a law recognising same sex marriage.

    I know the delay will upset and hurt some good people who have waited too long to be rid of the curse of homophobia, but the delay could be avoided at this time if the assurances were given, or at least if the validity of the concerns was acknowledged. Some advocates will continue to fight hard claiming that no such assurances need be given, and they may well win. That’s politics.

    While we wait for our politicians to decide, let’s all recommit ourselves to respectful conversation acknowledging the yearning of those who crave benign acceptance of their most loving commitments and of those who cherish religious freedom so that all citizens might live according to good conscience.


    Frank Brennan SJ is professor of law at Australian Catholic University.

     

    This article was first published in Eureka Street on 12 August 2015.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. ‘Amplifying That Still Small Voice’. Book Launch.

    ‘Amplifying That Still Small Voice’
    A collection of essays by Frank Brennan SJ
    Book Launch.

    Dates and times of the 2015 Book launches of Fr Frank Brennan’s latest book, ‘Amplifying That Still, Small Voice’:

    1. Tuesday 2 June North Sydney Catholic Parish Hall, 7.30 pm.

    2. Wednesday 3 June Hobart Town Hall, 6.15 pm.

    3. Friday 5 June, Newman College, Melbourne, 5.00 pm.

    4.Monday 8 June, Australian Centre for Christianity and Culture, Canberra, 7.30 pm.

    5.Thursday 11 June, Brisbane, Toowong Parish , 7.30 pm.

    6.Friday 19 June, Adelaide, St Ignatius Norwood, 7.30 pm.

    Frank Brennan has been a long time advocate for human rights and social justice in Australia. This collection of essays brings together some of his major addresses and writings on justice in the Catholic Church and in Australian society. Placing the individual’s formed and informed conscience as the centre piece in any work for justice, he surveys recent developments in the Catholic Church including the handling of child sexual abuse claims and the uplifting effect of the papacy of Francis, the first Jesuit pope. He then applies Catholic social teaching and the jurisprudence of human rights to contested issues like the separation of powers and the right of religious freedom, and to the claims of diverse groups including Aborigines, asylum seekers, the dying, and same sex couples. At every step, he is there in the public square amplifying that still, small voice of conscience, especially the voice of those who are marginalised.

    Frank Brennan is a Jesuit priest, professor of law at the Australian Catholic University, and adjunct professor at the Australian Centre for Christianity and Culture, as well as the College of Law and the National Centre for Indigenous Studies at the Australian National University. In 2014-5, he was Gasson Professor at Boston College Law School. He has written a number of books on indigenous issues and civil liberties. His most recent books are Acting on Conscience (University of Queensland Press, 2007), which looks at the place of religion in Australian politics and law and No Small Change (University of Queensland Press, 2015) which puts the case for indigenous recognition in the Australian Constitution. He contributed to Social Justice and the Churches: Challenges and Responsibilities (ATF Theology, 2014). In 2009, he chaired the National Human Rights Consultation. He is an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) for services to Aboriginal Australians, particularly as an advocate in the areas of law, social justice and reconciliation. Labelled ‘the meddling priest’ by Paul Keating and ‘an ethical burr in the nation’s saddle’ by Kevin Rudd, the National Trust has classified him a Living National Treasure.

     

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  • Frank Brennan. ANZAC Centenary Homily.

     ANZAC Centenary Homily

    Harvard Memorial Church

    25 April 2015

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ AO

    Homily

    This Memorial Church here at Harvard was dedicated on Armistice Day 1932 in memory of those who died in World War I.  The inscription over the south entrance to the memorial room reads, ‘In grateful memory of the Harvard men who died in the World War we have built this Church.’

    It is fitting that we, Australians, New Zealanders, Turks and Americans should gather in this place to mark the centenary of Anzac Day, the day on which Australians and New Zealanders landed in the stillness of the early dawn on the Turkish shoreline wanting to assist with the Allies’ advance on Constantinople, now Istanbul, the day on which the Turks commenced a successful, eight month campaign to defend their homeland against the assault.

    Nineteen years after the ANZAC landings, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Founder and first President of the modern Republic of Turkey, who had been Commander in Chief of the Turkish forces in Gallipoli, graciously responded to an Australian journalist’s request and wrote, ‘The landing at Gallipoli on April 25, 1915, and the fighting which took place on the peninsula will never be forgotten. They showed to the world the heroism of all those who shed their blood there. How heartrending for their nations were the losses that this struggle caused.’  A century on, we, the people of both sides of that deadly struggle can gather, people of all faiths and none; we gather in peace, espousing the virtues of all who fought and daring to pray together for peace and reconciliation between us and amongst all peoples.  We gather together helping each other to repair the heartrending and to prosper as best we can from the tragic, irreparable losses.

    We remember the 130,000 who were killed on that blood-soaked peninsula during the Gallipoli campaign, and the other quarter of a million who were wounded.  A century on, we have gathered more inclusively and not just to pray for the 44,000 Allies who died, but also for the 86,000 Turks who perished in their trenches opposite them.  Being ANZAC Day, we particularly call to mind the 8709 Australians and 2779 Kiwis who died.  A handful at the time were honoured by name for particular military feats, ‘but of others there is no memory; they have perished as though they had never existed; but these also were godly men, whose righteous deeds have not been forgotten; their descendants stand by the covenants; and their glory will never be blotted out’. (Ecclesiasticus 44:8-14)

    We recall the innocence of the soldiers – many aged the same as many of those who today study here at Harvard – and the human values that they embodied of courage and mateship. We recall too the reality, routine and relentlessness of their fighting, their sufferings, and their deaths.  We also recall the idealism, the hope, and perhaps even the naivety of empire which motivated and sustained them and those who sent them to battle.  The ANZACs had sailed from Albany in Western Australia on All Saints Day, 1 November 1914.  They waited in Egypt and then joined the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force of 75,000.  They landed early morning, and in the wrong place. Because of navigational errors the ANZACs landed about 2 km north of the intended site. Instead of a flat stretch of coastline, the boats carrying the 1500 men who would make the first landing came ashore at what is now named appropriately Anzac Cove, a narrow beach overlooked by steep hills and ridgelines.  Thus began an eight month campaign of combat in muddied trenches infested by lice, swarmed by flies, and putrified by faeces.

    Back home, their political masters were sustained both by the pride of selfless colonial service to empire and by the hope of imminent military success.  At 3pm on 29 April 1915, Australian Prime Minister Andrew Fisher rose in the House of Representatives and proudly declared:[1]

    Some days ago the Australian War Expeditionary Forces were transferred from Egypt to the Dardanelles. They have since landed, and have been in action on the Gallipoli Peninsula. News reaches us that the action is proceeding satisfactorily. I am pleased to be able to read the following cablegram received to-day from the Secretary of State for the Colonies: — 

    His Majesty’s Government desire me to offer you their warmest congratulations on the splendid gallantry and magnificent achievement of your contingent in the successful progress of the operations at the Dardanelles. 

    To this the following reply has been despatched through His Excellency the Governor-General: — 

    The Government and people of Australia are deeply gratified to learn that their troops have won distinction in their first encounter with the enemy. We are confident that they will carry the King’s colours to further victory.’ 

    Next day Fisher read to the House a telegram from King George dated 29 April 1915:[2]

    I heartily congratulate you upon the splendid conduct and bravery displayed by the Australian troops in the operations at the Dardanelles, who have indeed proved themselves worthy sons of the Empire.

    On 5 May 1915, ten days after the Gallipoli landing, Australian members of parliament were agitated that the Melbourne press were carrying details of New Zealand casualties but there were still no public details available of Australian casualties.  A question was put to the Assistant Minister for Defence:

    In view of the many messages of congratulation that we have received regarding the bravery of our troops in action in the Dardanelle, is the Assistant Minister of Defence in a position to tell the House with what result the bravery of our men has been attended?

    The answer was a simple, haunting three words: I am not.[3]

    Gradually, the political masters and then the people became apprised of the more gruesome reality on the other side of the globe.  A century on, we balance the idealism of service to empire, the reality of death in the trenches, and the prospect of reconciliation with former enemies in scales which only grace and forgiveness can hold. ‘Their bodies are buried in peace, but their names live on generation after generation.  The assembly declares their wisdom, and the congregation proclaims their praise’. (Ecclesiasticus 44:14-15)

    Over the generations, we have reached out across those trenches that divided us.  We have embraced a more sustaining myth, a more noble ideal: the brotherhood of man, the dignity of our shared humanity.  We have appropriated the words attributed to Ataturk at the 1934 dawn service which will be recited for us by His Excellency Omur Budak, the Consul General of Turkey: ‘There is no difference between the Johnnies and Mehmets to us where they lie side by side in this country of ours….After having lost their lives on this land they are now our sons as well.’

    Despite the instability and the intractable conflicts on Turkey’s borders today, we dare to gather in prayer dreaming of ‘a new heaven and a new earth’ in which the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob ‘will wipe every tear from their eyes’ so that ‘mourning and crying and pain will be no more’. (Revelation 21:4) We hear the word of Revelation proclaimed to all people of good will, to all peacemakers including those who have fought, those who are fighting,  and those who will fight so that there might be no more war: ‘I will be their God and they will be my children’.  (Revelation 21:7)

    Today, lest we forget.

    They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old:

    Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn.

    At the going down of the sun and in the morning

    We will remember them.

    May the Aussies, the Kiwis and the Turks amongst us this morning go forth into Harvard Yard carrying and sharing the memories of those who encountered each other for the first time across trenches a century ago, committing ourselves afresh to transforming our heartrending and our losses into heartmending and tangible dividends of peace for our world.

    Prayer 

    Let’s all pray in silence, each in their own way.

    I will now offer a Christian prayer:

    Lord Our God, on this day, 100 years ago, the Australian  and New Zealand Army Corps, at Gallipoli, made immortal the name of Anzac and established an imperishable tradition of  selfless service, of devotion to duty, and of fighting for all that is  best in human relationships.

    O Lord, we who are gathered here today from both sides of that conflict remember with gratitude the men and women who have given, and are still giving all that is theirs to give, in order that the world may be a nobler place in which to live.

    And with them, Lord, we remember those left behind to bear  the sorrow of their loss.

    We dedicate ourselves to taking up the burdens of the fallen and, with the same high courage and steadfastness with which they went into battle, to setting our hands to the tasks they left unfinished. Lord, we dedicate ourselves to the service of the ideals for which they died.  With your help, O God, might we give our utmost to make the world what they would have wished it to be, a better and happier place for all of its people, through whatever means are open to us.

    We make this prayer through Christ Our Lord. Amen.

    [1] Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 29 April 1915, p. 2724

    [2] Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 30 April 1915, p. 2814

    [3] Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 5 May 1915, p. 2832

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Still seeking a way of stopping the boats decently

    This is part of the Gasson Lecture which I delivered at Boston College today:

    I return to Australia accepting that my political leaders will always maintain a commitment to stopping the boats, no matter what political party they represent;  but I return insisting that there is a need for international co-operation to determine how decently to stop the boats while providing an increased commitment to the orderly transfer of an increased number of refugees across our border so that they might live safe and fulfilling lives contributing to the life of the nation.

    This cannot be done in Australia until we shut down the processing centres on Nauru and on Manus Island, until we accept that people should only be held in detention while issues of identity, security and health are determined, and while we negotiate arrangements with Indonesia, India and any other transit countries to which asylum seekers are being returned, replicating the new European regulation:

    No person shall, in contravention of the principle of non-refoulement, be disembarked in, forced to enter, conducted to or otherwise handed over to the authorities of a country where, inter alia, there is a serious risk that he or she would be subjected to the death penalty, torture, persecution or other inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, or where his or her life or freedom would be threatened on account of his or her race, religion, nationality, sexual orientation, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, or from which there is a serious risk of an expulsion, removal or extradition to another country in contravention of the principle of non-refoulement.

    It might then be possible for Australian officials to conduct prompt, reliable onboard assessments of asylum seekers on vessels determining whether it is appropriate to return them to their last port of call, without the need for an onboard international lawyer to conduct any sort of ‘framing’ exercise.  It should then be possible to avoid the recent obscene scenario of 157 persons being detained on the high seas for a month, regardless of whether or not the non-refoulement obligation applies extra-territorially.

    It is time to concede that none of us has a right to enter another country and that all of us have the obligation not to return anyone presenting at our border to a situation of persecution, torture, or cruel punishment.  Though I doubt the possibility of the EU negotiating appropriate returns of asylum seekers to Libya in the foreseeable future, I continue to entertain the hope that Australia can negotiate appropriate returns to transit countries such as Indonesia for Iraqis, Afghans and Iranians and India for Tamils, so that Australia might then decently extend the hand of welcome to more of the world’s 51 million displaced persons.  For the moment, my country is failing to strike the right balance between human rights and the national interest.  It is stopping the boats indecently, violating the human dignity of those being held in unsatisfactory conditions in Papua New Guinea and on Nauru and failing to ensure appropriate safeguards are in place for the return of asylum seekers to Indonesia.  For as long as international lawyers claim there is no possibility of a legally negotiated regional agreement for safe returns because they argue that asylum seekers have a right of entry to Australia to seek asylum, the Australian government, the Australian parliament, and the Australian courts will maintain, with impunity but with the occasional expression of outrage from international lawyers, a regime of returns insufficiently scrutinized for human rights compliance.  I return to Australia accepting that the boats will continue to be stopped (no matter which political party is in power), but that they should be stopped decently and in compliance with the legal regime enunciated by the European Union which has to deal with a far more pressing issue but subject to the more searching supervision of the European Court of Human Rights and of the European Parliament which has greater sensitivity to the human rights of asylum seekers than do their more pragmatic Australian colleagues.

    By all means, stop the boats.  But also close the facilities on Nauru and in Papua New Guinea.  Abandon the Cambodian shipment plan.  Negotiate a regional agreement for safe returns ensuring compliance with the non-refoulement obligation.  Double the refugee and humanitarian component from 13,750 places to 27,000 places in the migration program, as recommended by the 2012 Expert Panel.  Encourage further community participation in a refugee resettlement scheme which allows refugee communities and their supporters to increase the number of refugees resettled without taking the places of those refugees who would come anyway without community sponsorship.  Why not increase the humanitarian program to at least the 20,000 places which were guaranteed prior to the election of the Abbott Government?  And provide another 7,000 places for community sponsored refugees.  I agree with novelist Tim Winton that there is a need for countries like Australia to turn back, to ‘raise us back up to our best selves’.  That can best be done by securing our borders and increasing our commitment to orderly resettlement of more refugees, rather than by opening the borders, undermining the community’s commitment to further assisting more of those 51 million people who are suffering displacement tonight, most of them having no prospect of employing a people smuggler to get them to the border of a rich democratic country.

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ is finishing his term as Gasson Professor at Boston College Law School.  Anyone wanting a copy of his full address should contact him on frank.brennan@acu.edu.au

     

     

     

  • Frank Brennan.  Cunneen v ICAC

    Margaret Cunneen is a high profile public prosecutor.  The NSW  Independent Commission against Corruption (ICAC) wanted to investigate her for corrupt behaviour, but not in relation to anything she did as a prosecutor.  They wanted to investigate her behaviour as a private citizen, she being the mother of a boy whose girlfriend was involved in a car accident.  The suggestion was that Cunneen on being called to the accident scene was party to a plan that the driver should fake chest pains to escape a blood alcohol test even though the driver had not been drinking and her blood alcohol content was zero. ICAC’s argument was that the behaviour of Cunneen and her family members could adversely affect the police in performing their official functions investigating the accident.

    Section 8(2) of the ICAC Act defines corrupt behaviour to include ‘conduct of any person (whether or not a public official) that adversely affects, or that could adversely affect, either directly or indirectly, the exercise of official functions by any public official’.  So corrupt behaviour could include conduct by a person in a private capacity (like Cunneen being Mum) that adversely affects the exercise of official functions by a police officer.

    The alleged behaviour of the Cunneen family circle, if proved,  was not behaviour which, if successful, would cause  police officers to act with less probity in the performance of their duties.  Such behaviour would only cause the police officers to act in a less efficacious manner in detecting a crime.

    The case came down to interpreting the phrase ‘adversely affects’.  Four of the five High Court judges sitting on the appeal observed:

    ‘Either it means adversely affect or could adversely affect the probity of the exercise of an official function by a public official, or it means adversely affect or could adversely affect the efficacy of the exercise of an official function by a public official in the sense that the official could exercise the function in a different manner or make a different decision from that which would otherwise be the case.’

    The four majority judges were left in no doubt: ‘The former meaning accords with the ordinary understanding of corruption in public administration and consequently with the principal objects of the ICAC Act.  The latter would result in the inclusion in “corrupt conduct” of a broad array of criminal offences and other unlawful conduct having nothing to do with the ordinary understanding of corruption in public administration or the principal objects of the ICAC Act.’

    There are some High Court cases where you can see the result coming when the barrister is caught out during the oral argument by one of the prying judges.  Cunneen was one of these cases.  It was all the more notable because the prying judge was the new boy on the block – Justice Nettle. It was still his first month on the job.  At the hearing back on 4 March 2015, Justice Nettle asked a few tentative questions and then he moved in for the kill, questioning Mr Kirk SC, the counsel for ICAC who already was having a very bad day having failed to provide the court with relevant papers.  Here is the transcript:

    NETTLE J: Just one more question, in New South Wales any telling of lies to policemen could be a criminal offence? So, any telling of lies, we would say, when someone is arrested and tells lies as they frequently do to policemen about what they are asked would, on this basis, be corrupt conduct?

    MR KIRK: Any telling of lies which has the potential to pervert the course of justice.

    NETTLE J: That is usually why they are told is to deflect the policemen from getting to the truth.

    MR KIRK: But it all depends on the context. Not telling a lie – not every single lie – if a police officer asks your name and you lie about that, that is not necessarily going to have any tendency to pervert the course of justice. I am not saying to avoid your Honour’s question, I am just qualifying.

    The qualifier was meaningless or too fudgy to be workable. It was game, set and match to Cunneen.   ICAC was not alleging that she had done anything to affect the probity of the police in their conduct of the investigation.  At most, ICAC was alleging that she had done something affecting the efficacy of the investigation. That ain’t corruption.  And thus it is no business of ICAC.  ICAC exists to expose corruption.  As the court said, ‘It is not likely that an Act which is avowedly directed to investigating, exposing and preventing corruption affecting public authorities – and for which the justification for the conferral of extraordinary powers on ICAC was said to be the difficulty of discovering and exposing corruption in the nature of a consensual crime of which there is no obvious victim willing to complain – should have the purpose or effect of extending the reach of ICAC to a broad array of crimes having nothing to do with corruption in public administration apart from such direct or indirect effect as they might conceivably have upon the efficaciousness of the honest and impartial exercise of official functions by public officials.’

    The police officers conducting the investigation into the accident were not corrupt.  They were not corrupted by Cunneen and her family. There could be no suggestion that Cunneen was trying to corrupt the police. It’s time for ICAC to get back to work investigating corruption, leaving other matters of errant behaviour to the police to investigate.  It’s also time for Cunneen to get back to work.

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ, professor of law at Australian Catholic University, is presently Gasson Professor at the Boston College Law School.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. The Promoted Pell and the Sacked Morris: Two Catholic Bishops emerging from the Royal Commission

    This week the royal commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has published three reports relating to the Catholic Church.  Understandably the media has focused on the appropriately damning findings made by the royal commission against Cardinal Pell in his ruthless conduct of the Ellis case.

    Having found that the Archdiocese of Sydney fundamentally failed Mr Ellis in its conduct of the Towards Healing process, the commission found that Cardinal Pell accepted the advice of his lawyers to vigorously defend the claim brought by Mr Ellis, in part to encourage other prospective plaintiffs not to litigate claims of child sexual abuse against the Church.  The commission also made a formal finding that the Archdiocese, the Trustees and the Archbishop, ‘did not act fairly from a Christian point of view in the conduct of the litigation against Mr Ellis’.  The commission found the Sydney Archdiocese failed to conduct the litigation with Mr Ellis in a manner that adequately took account of his pastoral and other needs as a victim of sexual abuse.

    As a Catholic I am heartened to see that the royal commission moving from Sydney to Toowoomba made no adverse findings against Bishop William Morris.  In fact, the commission was quite complimentary to Morris. The commission’s key finding in relation to Morris was:

    That on being advised of Mr Byrnes’s offending and the response of the school and the Toowoomba Catholic Education Office to the September 2007 allegations of child sexual abuse, Bishop Morris responded appropriately by:

    • commissioning an independent investigation into what occurred and seeking advice and recommendations as to any actions that needed to be taken to better protect children
    • appointing an independent mediator [retired High Court judge Ian Callinan] to assess and give advice as to reparation to victims and their families
    • establishing a Child Abuse Response Team to develop and oversee both the pastoral and professional response and to give advice to the Diocese about improvements to child protection.

    Bishop Morris ‘asked Mr Callinan to assist in ensuring that each victim received fair compensation for what had happened to them’.  Bishop Morris ‘felt that it was important that the matter be dealt with quickly and fairly so as to avoid any further suffering which might be caused by a lengthy and difficult legal process’.

    These contrasting findings highlight the tragedy that such a pastoral bishop and decent man as William Morris could be sacked by Pope Benedict for failing in his duties as a bishop.  Mind you, I don’t think the royal commission (being appointed by the state rather than the church) had any business in finding that Pell ‘did not act fairly from a Christian point of view’.  The commission should stick to its brief.  The finding should have been more stark: Cardinal Pell did not act fairly towards Mr Ellis.  The commission should leave assessments from the religious point of view to religious communities.  We should maintain our proud separation of church and state.

    To give Cardinal Pell his due, he did in the end apologise to Mr Ellis.  Just before leaving the witness box, Pell said:

    As former archbishop and speaking personally, I would want to say to Mr. Ellis that we failed in many ways, some ways inadvertently, in our moral and pastoral responsibilities to him. I want to acknowledge his suffering and the impact of this terrible affair on his life. As the then archbishop, I have to take ultimate responsibility, and this I do. At the end of this grueling appearance for both of us at this Royal Commission, I want publicly to say sorry to him for the hurt caused him by the mistakes made and admitted by me and some of my archdiocesan personnel during the course of the Towards Healing process and litigation.

    We now await the response to the commission’s findings from Archbishop Fisher and the Archdiocese of Sydney.

    We’ve never been given a coherent rationale for Pope Benedict’s sacking of Morris.  When Morris was sacked, Pell had explained to an American Catholic news agency that ‘the diocese was divided quite badly and the bishop hasn’t demonstrated that he’s a team player’.  The royal commission’s report on Toowoomba shows just what a team player Morris was.  On the other hand its report on Sydney provides evidence of a fairly disorganized team led by His Eminence.  The report reveals a considerable disconnect even between Cardinal Pell and his Vicar General/Chancellor Monsignor Brian Rayner.  There was confusion whether Rayner had kept Pell informed of the Archdiocese’s formal dealings with Ellis.  In his statement Cardinal Pell had said, ‘To the best of my recollection, I was not made aware at the time of any of those figures or offers. I was not consulted, as best I recall, about what financial amount should be considered. Nor was I made aware of the other factors which appear to have been significant in the way the facilitation process developed’.  The commission reports:

    Much of Monsignor Rayner’s evidence concerned his usual practice. However, he gave evidence that he did tell the Archbishop the results of the facilitation and the amount put forward by Mr Ellis. We accept that Monsignor Rayner was a truthful witness who did his best to provide an honest account.

    We do not accept the submission put by the Church parties that Monsignor Rayner’s evidence ‘was substantially a reconstruction and would not be accepted in the absence of any corroboration from another witness or documentary evidence’.

    We find it compelling that, by the time Mr Ellis’s solicitors had foreshadowed legal action, the Cardinal knew that amounts of money would have been discussed as part of the facilitation and that no agreement had been reached. As set out above, the Cardinal agreed he had an acute concern that people who had survived abuse by clergy would be justly dealt with. It seems unlikely that, in light of the legal action being foreshadowed, the Cardinal, as responsible for the finances of the Archdiocese and as the Church Authority responsible for ensuring that victims were dealt with justly, would not have sought or been provided with the offers made as part of the facilitation and the outcome.

    The Sydney curia was not a smooth running team.  Though I don’t suppose Pope Francis will demote Cardinal Pell, it would be nice to see him reinstate Bishop Morris.  The Australian Church needs pastoral down to earth bishops like Morris who have been proved to ‘get it’ when it comes to dealing pastorally and professionally with child sexual abuse.

     

  • High Court decision on Tamil asylum seekers

    The majority decided that the detention from 1 to 27 July 2014 was lawful at all times and thus there was no claim to damages for the detention.

    (more…)

  • Frank Brennan SJ. The Vatican’s Synod Questions for the Australian Catholic Church

    Following up on the Relatio Synodi, the Vatican has now released the lineamenta (http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20141209_lineamenta-xiv-assembly_en.html)

    for next year’s synod on the family.  They have appended a list of 46 questions and they want the world’s Catholic bishops’ answers by April.  This will be a demanding task for the Australian bishops for three additional reasons.  First, they have not shared with the public the results of the first round of questionnaires circulated before this year’s synod.  Second, the country is about to retire for the summer recess.  Third, the Australian Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ACBC) is not due to reconvene for a plenary meeting until May 2015.

    Before being asked to consider the 46 specific questions, the bishops are asked: “Does the description of the various familial situations in the Relatio Synodi correspond to what exists in the Church and society today? What missing aspects should be included?”

    It is useful to consider some Australian statistics to set the scene.

    Australians and marriage

    The Australian Institute of Family Studies has a wealth of reliable statistics.  Here are some.

    The crude marriage rate in Australia was 7.3/1,000 in 1901.  After reaching an all time high in 1942 (12/1,000), the rate fell until 1945, then increased sharply the following year, but generally fell again in the late 1940s and during the 1950s. The 1960s saw the rate increasing again.  It peaked again at 9.2/1,000 in 1971, and then progressively decreased in the last three decades of last century. The rate has remained fairly stable since 2001 when it was 5.3/1,000.  In 2012, it was 5.4/1,000.

    16% of marriages in 1975 were preceded by cohabitation. By 2000, the proportion was 71%. The proportion was 78% in 2012.  Most young couples live together before marrying nowadays even if they are Catholic.

    In 1908, 97% of marriages were performed by ministers of religion.  In 1999, there were for the first time in Australia more marriages performed by civil celebrants than by ministers of religion. In 2012, most marriages (72%) were conducted by civil celebrants.  Across the states and territories, civil marriage ceremonies are most common in the Northern Territory and least common in New South Wales.

    Cohabiting couples are twice as likely to have a civil marriage ceremony than couples living separately.  When a religious celebrant is chosen to perform a marriage ceremony, the rites are most commonly Catholic (33%) or Anglican (19%).  Catholic ceremonies are the most common religious ceremonies in all states and territories except Tasmania.

    The majority of Australian children live with both their parents until they leave home and begin to form their own families. In 2006, the living arrangements for children under 15 years old were:

    74% with both of their biological parents;

    18% in a lone-parent family (virtually all with their mother);

    6% in a step- or blended family; and

    2% in other living arrangements.

    Australian Catholics and Church 

    In February 2014, Dr Robert Dixon, Director of the Pastoral Research Office of the ACBC addressed a church conference telling us that Sunday mass attendance was now down to 12.2%, with overall mass attendance figures having declined by 23% just between the years 1996 and 2011.  In 1996, about 136,000 young Catholics (aged 15-34) attended mass on any Sunday in Australia.  By 2011, it was down to 80,000.  Attenders aged 15-19 make up 4% of the congregation, while those over 80 make up 8%.

    While only 5% of young Catholics attend Sunday mass regularly, 30% of those in their 70’s do so. The attendance rate across the age spectrum for Catholics born in Australia fell from 17% to 10% in just fifteen years from 1996 to 2011.  Catholics born in non-English speaking countries have maintained a strong 24% showing.

    If we listen ONLY to regular Sunday mass attenders, even less than half of them accept the Church teaching that pre-marital sex is always wrong.  40% of them do not accept that the divorced and remarried should be denied communion, with a further 16% undecided.  54% of those aged 15-34 attending Sunday mass regularly admit to using artificial means of birth control, and 48% of those aged 35-59.  So image the percentage for those between 35 and 40!

    The 46 Questions 

    Approaching the specific questions, the bishops have been urged to start ‘from “life’s periphery” and engage in pastoral activity that is characterized by a “culture of encounter”’.  They are invited on the path ‘of recognizing the Lord’s gratuitous work, even outside customary models, and of confidently adopting the idea of a “field hospital”, which is very beneficial in proclaiming God’s mercy.’  In their reflections they are asked ‘to avoid, in their responses, a formulation of pastoral care based simply on an application of doctrine, which would not respect the conclusions of the Extraordinary Synodal Assembly and would lead their reflection far from the path already indicated.’

    While being asked what they are doing to demonstrate ‘the greatness and beauty of the gift of indissolubility of marriage’, and ‘in light the Church’s teaching in which the primary elements of marriage are unity, indissolubility and openness to life’, they are to address many complex issues including the three neuralgic ones highlighted by the more contested votes at the synod: the pastoral care of those living together without a sacramental marriage, the access to the Eucharist for the divorced and remarried, and the place of gays and lesbians in the Church community.  These issues arise particularly in questions 33, 38, 39, and 40.  Here are the questions:

    33.  (In light of ‘the difficulty of young people to make lifetime commitments’), is the Christian community able to be pastorally involved in these situations? How can it assist in discerning the positive and negative elements in the life of persons united in a civil marriage so as to guide and sustain them on a path of growth and conversion towards the Sacrament of Matrimony? How can those living together be assisted to decide to marry?

    38.  With regard to the divorced and remarried, pastoral practice concerning the sacraments needs to be further studied, including assessment of the Orthodox practice and taking into account the distinction between an objective sinful situation and extenuating circumstances. What are the prospects in such a case? What is possible? What suggestions can be offered to resolve forms of undue or unnecessary impediments?

    39.  Does current legislation provide a valid response to the challenges resulting from mixed marriages or interreligious marriages? Should other elements be taken into account?

    40.  How can the Christian community give pastoral attention to families with persons with homosexual tendencies? What are the responses that, in light of cultural sensitivities, are considered to be most appropriate? While avoiding any unjust discrimination, how can such persons receive pastoral care in these situations in light of the Gospel? How can God’s will be proposed to them in their situation?

    How heartening it is to see buried in Question 43: ‘The Christian lives maternity or paternity as a response to a vocation.  What formation is offered so that it might effectively guide the consciences of married couples?  Are people aware of the grave consequences of demographic change?’  In a world of 7.2 billion people, in an Australian Church of declining mass attendance, I wouldn’t be saying too much about Humanae Vitae.  When Paul VI issued that encyclical the world’s population was less than half what it is today. Very few sexually active Catholics are now helped by this papal teaching when making conscientious family planning decisions. There comes a time for some past papal utterances to be quietly dropped even by our bishops working in the ‘field hospital’ proclaiming God’s mercy.

    On returning from the synod, Archbishop Denis Hart, president of the ACBC said, ‘Pope Francis has reminded us that we still have one year to mature, with true spiritual discernment, the proposed ideas and to find concrete solutions to so many challenges that families must confront, and to give answers to the many discouragements that surround families.’  There are only four months (including a long hot summer) to consult the faithful and send answers to Rome.  Let’s start with the facts, and if there’s time, let’s be attentive to the voice and experience of the young who are living together unmarried, the divorced and remarried, the gay and lesbian, as well as that minority of Catholics who are happily married and fronting up to mass every Sunday with the kids.

     

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ is presently the Gasson Professor at Boston College Law School

     

     

     

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. The Cardinal Pell precedent.

    Speaking of the financial reforms in the Vatican, Cardinal Pell says:

    The first principle was that the Vatican should adopt contemporary international standards, much as the rest of the world does. 

    The second principle meant that Vatican policies and procedures would be transparent.

    The third important principle within the Vatican was that there should be something akin to a separation of powers and that there would be multiple sources of authority.’

    Imagine if the same approach were taken to administrative processes in the Holy See. I daresay Bishop William Morris would have received a fair hearing and we might all have known why he was sacked and who was pulling the levers. See:http://www.catholicherald.co.uk/issues/december-5th-2014/the-days-of-ripping-off-the-vatican-are-over/

     

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Making the world safer for children.

    The United Nations has developed an elaborate system of committees to oversee compliance by nation states with a broad range of international human rights instruments. These committee processes are sometimes used by nongovernmental organizations pushing their own particular causes. Of late, a group called SNAP — the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests — have been making submissions to U.N. committees expressing dissatisfaction with the Vatican’s response to child sexual abuse. SNAP was pleased with the report published last week by the U.N. Committee Against Torture setting out the committee’s concluding observations on Australia’s fourth and fifth periodic reports on its compliance with the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

    In preparation for the committee hearing, Australia had provided a comprehensive 52-page report on compliance issues on July 31, 2013. Australia takes seriously these U.N. procedures. John Quinn, Australia’s permanent representative to the U.N. in Geneva, was accompanied by a five-member high-level delegation of public servants from Canberra in addition to several colleagues from his own permanent mission at the committee hearing in November. Neither the 52-page report nor the eight-page opening statement of the Australians referred to child sexual abuse. That is not surprising. This is a U.N. committee with a very particular mandate. There are other U.N. committees that deal with children’s rights, women’s rights, the rights of those who suffer a disability, racial discrimination, civil and political rights etc. This committee as its name suggests deals principally with state authorized or state tolerated torture.

    Though this U.N. committee is primarily concerned to ensure safeguards against torture, it also has a mandate to oversee state responses to “other acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which do not amount to torture” but only “when such acts are committed by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.” So the committee arguably has a role to play in scrutinizing state action in relation to acts of child sexual abuse committed by state officials or with the acquiescence of state officials. Nation states with inadequate or corrupt prosecution or court processes might be said to be places where child sexual abuse has been occurring “at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.”

    In comparison with all other members of the United Nations, Australia has been fairly robust in its response to revelations about institutional child sexual abuse. It has set up the most expensive, most far-reaching, and longest-running royal commission or equivalent inquiry in any country to date. The U.N. Committee against Torture welcomed the establishment of the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. But it went on to make a couple of gratuitous observations of the type that bring no credit on the U.N. human rights system, especially by those critics who think that such committees should confine themselves to their core mandate, and focus on those countries which are most at fault.

    Usually a fair-minded, non-partisan, under-resourced U.N. committee having welcomed such a commission of inquiry in a country like Australia with a robust rule of law and a free media would have been content to await the findings and the resulting prosecutions from the commission of inquiry, especially given that the issue of child sexual abuse is not a usual agenda item for such a U.N. committee. But this U.N. committee went on to express the gratuitous concern “as to whether the outcome of (the royal commission’s) work will result in criminal investigations, prosecutions and redress and compensation for victims.” That may be the concern of SNAP but this committee had no opportunity or mandate to hear from a range of Australian parties on this issue.

    This verbal volley was clearly just a prelude to the U.N. committee’s main gratuitous concern. Quoting only the SNAP submission which in turn quoted only a newspaper report, the U.N. committee expressed concern at the information provided “regarding the reported reply” that the Holy See submitted to the Australian royal commission that “providing all documents regarding sexual abuse by priests … was ‘unreasonable’ and that they represented the ‘internal working documents of another sovereign state.’” If only it was all that simple. But then again a Geneva-based U.N. Committee against Torture has to take a fairly broad-brush approach to such questions that are on the periphery of their mandate and expertise.

    SNAP and then the U.N. committee were referring to the oral evidence given by Cardinal George Pell at the royal commission in August. The royal commission had already published its exchange of correspondence with the Holy See. The letters and Pell’s evidence reflect a far more complex picture than that provided by the U.N. committee, and indicate a far more cooperative, considered approach by the Holy See. The U.N. committee was not satisfied with Australia’s assurances “that the royal commission is independent and that it has statutory powers to compel the provision of documents.” Where one might ask would this U.N. committee find a government and a commission of inquiry with the independence and power needed to satisfy them? I doubt that it could be in a democracy governed by the rule of law. With a patronizing and moralizing tone both to Australia and the Catholic Church, the U.N. committee reminded Australia “that it has a responsibility to ensure that all reports of breaches of the convention (against torture) are promptly and impartially investigated and that assistance is sought from other state parties when necessary to conduct such investigations.”

    During 2013, the Holy See in response to a specific request provided the Australian royal commission with documents in relation to one priest offender. On April 24, Justice Peter McClellan, chairman of the royal commission wrote to the Vatican secretary of state seeking further assistance with the conduct of his commission. He wanted information about another named priest. He also wanted access to a general range of documents relating to religious congregations so that the commission might “understand the nature and extent of communications between those congregations and the Holy See.” He said the purpose of this general request was “to develop an understanding” of the extent to which Australian clerics accused of abuse had been referred to the Holy See, and “the action taken in each case.” Such a request is usually known as a fishing expedition.

    The Holy See provided all appropriate documents relating to the two named priests. The Holy See indicated that it was still conducting some canonical proceedings in relation to one of the priests and gave the assurance that upon conclusion of the proceedings, they would give consideration to any further request. In relation to the fishing request, the Holy See responded:

    “With regard to cases that are concluded, the ‘action taken’ is communicated to the particular church or congregation inloco. Because the facts and circumstances of each case are already available within the royal commission’s jurisdiction in Australia, the information requested is best sought from individuals and entities in that jurisdiction. If there is further information that is necessary for the commission’s work, but unavailable for the commission in loco, the Holy See will be pleased to receive specific requests for such information and will make every attempt to assist the work of the commission. This secretariat respectfully suggests that requests for all information regarding every case — which include requests for documents reflecting internal ‘deliberations’ — are not appropriate. As is the case with all other sovereign subjects of international law, the Holy See maintains the confidentiality of internal deliberations related to its judicial and administrative proceedings, and indeed depends upon deliberative confidentiality to ensure the integrity and efficacy of its judicial and administrative processes. Finally, the Holy See notes that it has provided information relating to individual requests. However, the royal commission’s request that the Holy See’s dicasteries undertake the substantial burden of locating, reviewing and copying all files regarding every accused Australian cleric appears inconsistent with international practice.”

    When appearing before the royal commission in August, Cardinal Pell was asked if he was aware of the general nature of the request made by the royal commission. He replied: “The extremely general nature of the request, I was aware of it and I thought it unreasonable. I thought the aims could be equally well achieved by asking specific questions about specific cases in a range of different circumstances.” He was then asked: “So you formed the view that the request by the royal commission of the Vatican was unreasonable; is that your evidence?” He replied:

    “I formed the view … aware that the Vatican had provided 5,000 pages of documentation in relation to specific requests, and aware also that the Vatican has said, if there are more specific requests, they will provide such documentation. But in following international convention they will not provide the internal working documents of another sovereign state.”

    Pell gave the royal commission his assurance that the Vatican would continue to honor its undertaking about providing documentation regardless of any personnel changes in Rome. He pointed out:

    “An added relevant point is that overwhelmingly every document that is held in Rome exists here in the archives of religious orders or dioceses. Every letter they have sent to Rome, every response from Rome, nearly every — I’m not aware of exceptions — overwhelmingly they are available in Australia.”

    Pell later told the royal commission: “In my discussions with the Roman authorities I was generally and strongly supportive of the request from the royal commission. I was generally and strongly in support in the terms in which I have described it for specific documents, not for internal working documents and, another point which I hadn’t mentioned, obviously cases which are still going forward, if there are any, in Rome.”

    I have no expectation that a U.N. Committee against Torture peripherally concerned with the question whether Australian state officials have acquiesced in child sexual abuse committed by others would delve into all this detail of dealings between a royal commission and the Holy See. But I do have an expectation that such a committee would keep its nose out of the matter until the royal commission has run its course, until the Vatican has had the opportunity to honor its solemn commitments to assist the inquiry, and until the U.N. committee is in a position to see if its mandate is evenly remotely invoked. This sort of gratuitous reporting by U.N. committees at the urgings of NGOs like SNAP does absolutely nothing to make the world or the Catholic Church safer for children. It just gives the U.N. human rights machinery a bad name. You would think the Committee against Torture would have enough on its plate.

    Fr. Frank Brennan SJ, professor of law at the Australian Catholic University, is presently the visiting Gasson professor at Boston College Law School.

    This article was first published in Global Pulse on Dec. 3  2014

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Women Priests in the Catholic Church – Can we at least talk about it?

    There was an interesting exchange on CBS 60 Minutes here in the USA on Sunday night between Cardinal O’Malley and Norah O’Donnell

    (See http://www.cbsnews.com/news/cardinal-sean-omalley-works-with-pope-francis-to-reform-catholic-church/).  Here is part of the interview:

    Norah O’Donnell: The church says it’s not open to the discussion about ordaining women. Why not?

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Not everyone needs to be ordained to have an important role in the life of the church. Women run the Catholic charities, the Catholic schools, the development office for the archdiocese.

    Norah O’Donnell: Some would say women do a lot of the work but have very little power.

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Well “power” is not a word that we like to use in the church. It’s more service.

    Norah O’Donnell: But they can’t preach. They can’t administer the sacraments.

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Well…

    Norah O’Donnell: I mean, some women feel like they’re second class Catholics because they can’t do those things that are very important.

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Well, they, but they’re, they have other very important roles that, you know, a priest cannot be a mother, either.

    The Cardinal stated the official position:  “The tradition of the church is that we have always ordained men. And that the priesthood reflects the incarnation of Christ, who in his humanity is a man.”  Here Cardinal O’Malley was being quite consistent with the approach taken by Pope Francis.  Francis wrote in Evangelii Gaudium, “The reservation of the priesthood to males, as a sign of Christ the Spouse who gives himself in the Eucharist, is not a question open to discussion, but it can prove especially divisive if sacramental power is too closely identified with power in general.” Surely it must be even more divisive if those who reserve to themselves sacramental power determine that they alone can determine who has access to that power and legislate that the matter is not open for discussion.  Given that the power to determine the teaching of the magisterium and the provisions of canon law is not a sacramental power, is there not a need to include women in the decision that the question is not open to discussion and in the contemporary quest for an answer to the question? Francis’s position on this may be politic for the moment within the Vatican which has had a longtime preoccupation with shutting down the discussion, but the position is incoherent, as the TV world experienced on Sunday night seeing Cardinal O’Malley trying to make the official position credible.

    No one doubts the pastoral sensitivity of Pope Francis and Cardinal O’Malley.  But the Church will continue to suffer for as long as it does not engage in open, ongoing discussion and education about this issue.  The official position is no longer comprehensible to most people of good will, and as demonstrated on Sunday night, not even those at the very top of the hierarchy have a willingness or capacity to explain it.

    The claim that the matter “is not a question open to discussion” can not be maintained unless sacramental power also includes the power to determine theology and the power to determine canon law.  Ultimately the Pope’s claim must be that only those possessed of sacramental power can determine the magisterium and canon law.  Conceding for the moment the historic exclusion of women from the sacramental power of presidency at Eucharist, we need to determine if “the possible role of women in decision-making in different areas of the Church’s life” could include the power to contribute to theological discussion and the shaping of the magisterium and to canonical discussion about sanctions for participating in theological discussion on set topics such as the ordination of women.  As Francis says, “Demands that the legitimate rights of women be respected, based on the firm conviction that men and women are equal in dignity, present the Church with profound and challenging questions which cannot be lightly evaded.”

    Sunday night’s CBS discussion got even more difficult despite the enormous good will and rapport between O’Malley and his interviewer. This is how it unfolded:

    Norah O’Donnell: But in spite of that, does the exclusion of women seem at all immoral?

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Well, Christ would never ask us to do something immoral. And I know that women in...

    Norah O’Donnell: The sense of equality. I mean, just the sense of sort of the fairness of it, you know. You wouldn’t exclude someone based on race. But yet you do exclude people based on gender.

    Cardinal Seán O’Malley: Well, it’s a matter of vocation. And what God has given to us. And this is, you know, if I were founding a church, you know, I’d love to have women priests. But Christ founded it and what he has given us is something different.

    If Cardinal O’Malley were founding a Church in the twenty first century, he would love to have women priests.  So I presume, given complete freedom before God, he would have women priests expressive of Christ’s full humanity and of Christ’s giving of self as spouse in the eucharist.  If Cardinal O’Malley had been founding a Church in the first century, I presume it would not have occurred to him to have women priests, and thus he would not have loved to have them.  His two positions are readily understandable and can be held together.  Like all of us, he is a person of his times.  When Christ founded the Church in the first century, let’s assume that he did give us a male priesthood (in that it developed not long after his death) and that he did not give us a church with women priests.  If Jesus was founding the Church in the twenty-first century would he love to have women priests?  Would he think it immoral not to have women priests?  I think you can answer “Yes” to these two questions, still be a Catholic in good standing, and still acknowledge that in the first century, Jesus, like Cardinal O’Malley would not have considered having women priests and neither would he have considered it immoral to exclude them from ordained ministry.  You can also answer “No” to these two questions, being counted a Catholic receptive to present papal teaching, but like Cardinal O’Malley being a little pressed to make sense of it all when asked why even discussion of change is inappropriate, and perhaps even forbidden.

    Given that even one as senior and pastoral as Cardinal O’Malley gets tongue-tied on this issue, is it not time to invite the conversation rather than the men trying to keep it shut down?  Sunday night’s TV appearance shows that with the best will in the world, that tactic just ain’t working.  John Paul II’s enforced silence behind a tongue-tied episcopal wall is no longer an option.

     

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ.  The G20 Agenda and Pope Francis

    The leaders of the world’s 19 largest economies (together with the EU) are meeting in Brisbane this weekend at the annual G20 meeting.  Australia is the host and Prime Minister Tony Abbott is the president this year.  The host country gets to put its stamp on the agenda.  Last year at St Petersburg, the G20 acknowledged the “need to work to ensure that growth is strong, sustainable, inclusive and balanced”.   At these meetings, a lot of word-smithing goes on even before the world leaders disembark their planes and change into the compulsory conference shirts.  In the lead up to this meeting, Australia has been wary about the word “inclusive”, preferring a commitment to achieving “strong, sustainable and balanced growth”.  When the G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors met in Cairns as guests of Australian Treasurer Joe Hockey in February, they set a goal of economic growth “at least 2 percent above the currently projected level in the next five years”.    Since then the IMF has twice downgraded its global growth forecasts in light of the weaker than expected global activity, volatility in the financial markets, and geopolitical tensions.  Back then no one was talking about Ebola or the need to go to war against the Islamic State.

    The C20 steering committee which convened a national summit of civil society in June has been agitating the need for our leaders to have a keen eye to social inclusion and the reduction of inequality.  They have also urged the Australians to put aside the domestic politics on climate change, insisting that it be “a separate and specific item on the G20 agenda”.  No doubt the freshly minted climate change agreement between Barack Obama and Xi Jinping will be a major talking point in Brisbane, whatever the host’s discomfort.

    There has been a lot of common ground amongst the official engagement groups which have been meeting in the lead-up to the G20.  They include the B20 (business), C20 (civil society), L20 (labour), T20 (think tanks) and Y20 (young people).  Everyone welcomes the G20’s commitment to financial regulation reforms, modernising the international tax system, addressing corruption, and strengthening energy market resilience.  Not surprisingly, the C20 has called the G20 back to key principles like inclusion, poverty alleviation, sustainable growth and gender equity.  There is no magic in untramelled economic growth which exacerbates inequality already galloping at rates never before experienced.  Though the G20 has committed to closing the gender gap by 25% by 2025, the C20 has pointed out that “closing the participation gap for women alone could deliver the G20’s stated growth target”.   If the G20 is going to engage in pie-in-the-sky economic planning such as an added 2% in growth despite the downturns all about, why not factor in some social equity?  For example, why not commit to increasing the incomes for the bottom 20% of households in each G20 country by 2%?

    Last year, President Vladimir Putin invited Pope Francis to send a letter prior to the summit; and the Pope was happy to do so.  This year, Tony Abbott did the same.  Pope Francis’ letter acknowledges unapologetically the economic achievements of the G20 since its first summit during the 2008 financial crisis.  Given that the summits have often taken place against the backdrop of military conflicts and disagreement between G20 members, the pope expresses his gratitude “that those disagreements have not prevented genuine dialogue within the G20, with regard both to the specific agenda items and to global security and peace”.  As you would expect, Francis says “more is required”.  He focuses particularly on “the living conditions of poorer families and the reduction of all forms of unacceptable inequality”.  He rightly identifies economic inequality and social exclusion as contributors to world turmoil.  He sees financial unaccountability and misconceived economic policies as deterrents to justice and world peace.  Having spoken of human rights abuses, war, the plight of refugees and disregard for humanitarian law, he places the economic reform agenda within the context of justice and peace:

    The international community, and in particular the G20 Member States, should also give thought to the need to protect citizens of all countries from forms of aggression that are less evident but equally real and serious.  I am referring specifically to abuses in the financial system such as those transactions that led to the 2008 crisis, and more generally, to speculation lacking political or juridical constraints and the mentality that maximization of profits is the final criterion of all economic activity.  A mindset in which individuals are ultimately discarded will never achieve peace or justice.  Responsibility for the poor and the marginalized must therefore be an essential element of any political decision, whether on the national or the international level.       

    It is heartening that so many world leaders can gather in peace committing their countries to an economic reform agenda for growth.  Such dialogue as the culmination of ongoing planning by countless government officials from across the globe might contribute to better quality investment in infrastructure, reduced barriers to trade, increased competition, and “a boost of over $2 trillion to global GDP with the promise of millions of additional jobs” – to quote from the G20 agenda.  But unless the poor, alienated and excluded of the globe share the fruits, our leaders will be building on sand.  Next year’s summit is in Turkey with Prime Minister Davutoglu the host.  It will be the centenary of the landing at Anzac Cove.  There will be more than economics to discuss.

     

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ, Gasson Professor at the Boston College Law School, has been a member of the C20 Steering Committee

  • Frank Brennan.  A tribute to the cautious, quirky, humorous, honourable Wayne Goss

    Those of us brought up in Queensland owe a lot to Wayne Goss. I first met him when he was instrumental in setting up the Aboriginal Legal Service (ALS) in Brisbane in 1974. He was the articled clerk. Roisin Hirschfeld was a young social worker at the ALS. They later married and their two children went on to become Rhodes scholars. With Mark Plunkett, I used go in one day a week to the ALS as a volunteer law student. Matt Foley was there in the wings too. (Plunkett went on to sue Joh Bjelke Petersen for conspiracy to pervert the course of justice when the police commissioner was precluded from investigating assaults on student demonstrators. Foley became Attorney General in the Goss government.)

    Wayne was a no nonsense fellow with a real commitment to justice for Aboriginal Australians during the difficult Bjelke-Petersen days in Queensland. He had a quirkish and devilish sense of humour. He put himself on the line, committed to legal representation for indigent Aborigines, appearing constantly in the courts, day in and day out. He would always come back to the office with a smile and a joke about the latest put down he suffered at the hands of the unforgiving magistrate not much given to pleas invoking past dispossession. He was irrepressible. He delighted in the quirks of human nature, especially from the bench, and later in the parliamentary chamber. He knew there had to be a better way.

    In 1989, seeing off Joh Bjelke-Petersen who had been rolled by his own, he beat the National Party at the polls and was elected premier.  In his first term, he decided to do something about Aboriginal land rights in the most difficult state of the federation. He did this when there was no political or legal imperative to do so. He acted because he believed it was right. He believed in Aboriginal self-determination within the life of the polity. He retained the services of two young Aborigines to advise him – Noel Pearson and Marcia Langton. His chief bureaucratic adviser was Kevin Rudd.

    As ever, he proceeded cautiously attempting to balance all interests.  He announced his “modest, blanched and responsible” land-rights package telling the Queensland public: “We rejected out of hand the Northern Territory approach as being too radical both in the way it affects the community generally and the specific impact on agriculture and mining.”

    Despite his best efforts, things turned sour and Aborigines knocked down the gates of Parliament House. He was understandably very hurt, but philosophical about the course of post-colonial relations. Wayne was unerring in his commitment to do what he could to alleviate the unjust plight of the first Australians.  He was no starry eyed romantic.  He never lost his sense of humour, or his unwavering commitment to justice for the first Australians.

    Three years ago, Wayne and I appeared together on the negative side of one of those “Intelligence Squared” debates.  By this time Wayne had gone under the knife repeatedly, taking on the brain tumour that finally took him.  He was as quirky and good humoured as ever.  The topic was: “If we populate, we perish”.  The chief protagonist for the “yes” case was Dick Smith who turned up with lots of free copies of his book Population Crisis which he distributed to the audience.  Wayne responded:

    Ladies and Gentlemen, because you are a sophisticated audience, our team has decided that we will not be offering bribes in the form of free books nor will we be trying to scare the pants off you with predictions of the end of the planet.  We believe that the policy debate should be lifted to a higher level.  What I think I need to do is to reframe the issue: if Australia does not increase its population, you know what will happen? We’ll get older; we’ll get less productive; we’ll lose our spark.  You know what happens after you age and get greyer and greyer and greyer? You perish.  Think about it.’ 

    His last words in that debate were, “Friends, Australia has a great opportunity. Let’s seize it.”  He did and so should we.  I was honoured to know him. He was a very honourable man.  May he rest in peace.

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ.   The genie may be out of the bottle but it is still in the ecclesiastical kitchen.

    The Vatican has now released the official English translation of the “relatio synodi”, the concluding document from the Synod of Bishops convened by Pope Francis to consider “pastoral challenges to the family in the context of evangelisation”. (http://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/bollettino/pubblico/2014/10/18/0770/03044.html)

    In my last post (https://publish.pearlsandirritations.com/blog/?p=2565), I dealt with an earlier document, the “relation post disceptationem” which was the punchy and slightly provocative discussion paper put together by Pope Francis’s small hand-picked group charged with putting the issues for discussion on the table.

    (http://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/bollettino/pubblico/2014/10/06/0712/03003.html)

    That document indicated a novel acceptance of some “constructive elements” of couples living together without marriage, of the need to welcome homosexuals into the life of the Church, and of the possibility of admitting divorced and remarried people to the Eucharist.  The Synod fathers agreed that they wanted to “offer a meaningful word of hope” to the Church.  I said previously that they needed to acknowledge “that the genie is out of the bottle and that there is a need for a comprehensive rethink by the Catholic Church on its teaching about marriage, sexuality, and reception of the Eucharist”.

    The relatio synodi is much more than a discussion paper.  It is a lengthy committee job cobbling together the many different strands of discussion over the two weeks of the synod.  Each of the 62 paragraphs was separately voted on by the 180 bishops in attendance who voted.  It does not put the genie back in the bottle, but it does revert to much of the old style Vaticanese, trying to confine the genie to the episcopal kitchen.   What’s refreshing is that unlike synod documents published during the last two papacies, this one actually reflects the divisions and differing perspectives. We are even given the voting figures on each paragraph.

    Also published today is the official translation of Pope Francis’s closing remarks at the Synod in which he speaks of “moments of desolation, of tensions and temptations”.  He lists the “temptation to hostile inflexibility” which is “the temptation of the zealous, of the scrupulous, of the solicitous and of the so-called traditionalists and also of the intellectuals”.  Then crossing to the other side of the street, he speaks of the temptation to practise “a deceptive mercy (which) binds the wounds without first curing them and treating them; that treats the symptoms and not the causes and the roots.”   This is “the temptation of the ‘do-gooders’, of the fearful, and also of the so-called ‘progressives’ and ‘liberals’”.   All types were inside the Vatican tent last week and acknowledged as such.  But this is still a synod only of bishops – celibate males talking about family life.  Even though they have been attentive to some married people invited into their midst, they alone get to vote; they alone shape the final document.

    This is all a work in progress.   All sides of the hierarchy have put their views, and their views are reflected or at least hinted at in this latest document.  The Synod fathers are to reconvene in Rome in a year’s time.  Their relatio synodi is “intended to raise questions and indicate points of view which will later be developed and clarified through reflection in the local Churches in the intervening year”.  Those reflections must not be restricted just to bishops or clergy.

    The drafters have done a reasonable job given that all paragraphs attracted majority support, with only three paragraphs attracting less than 2/3 support.  Those three paragraphs indicate the real neuralgic points of discussion.  They were: the paragraph about the community’s care for the divorced and remarried being an expression of the community’s charity and not a weakening of its faith and testimony to the indissolubility of marriage; the paragraph requesting further theological reflection on the options of “spiritual communion” or full sacramental communion for the divorced and remarried; and a very clunky paragraph packed with old CDF terminology on “pastoral attention towards persons with homosexual tendencies”, abandoning any talk of welcome for committed gays who give mutual aid and precious support to each other.

    The relatio synodi follows the basic outline of the original relatio post disceptationem with three parts on listening, looking, and facing the situation.  Listening to the context and challenges of the family in the first part, the Synod fathers (with no sense of irony or embarrassment) when reviewing the socio-cultural context, highlight the positive aspect of “a greater freedom of expression and a better recognition of the rights of women and children, at least in some part of the world”.  Dare one add: “at least in some institutions and in some churches”?  They speak also of the importance of affectivity in life and relationships.

    Looking at Christ and the Gospel of the Family, they move in the second part from Jesus in the history of salvation to the family as part of God’s salvific plan.  These deft scriptural surveys are followed by a treatment of the family in Church documents including the 1968 encyclical on birth control Humanae Vitae which is unquestioningly espoused twice in the course of this document.  The bulk of this second part is devoted to the indissolubility of marriage, the truth and beauty of the family, and mercy towards broken families.

    The third part is where the rubber hits the road.  The fathers set out pastoral perspectives on “facing the situation”.  They display considerable pastoral sensitivity and deep learning on caring for couples preparing for marriage, couples in the initial years of marriage, couples civilly married or living together, and broken families.  But there is no consensus on what to do about the eucharist for the divorced and remarried.  And for the moment the welcome mat for gays has been put back in the closet.  Then comes what undoubtedly some Synod fathers will think to be a prophetic, counter-cultural discussion on “the transmission of life and the challenges of a declining birthrate”. Living in a world of 7.2 billion people, and constantly meeting young couples who will try anything including IVF to have a child, I would have liked to have seen some treatment of these sorts of issues under this curious heading.  Given the soundings that the Synod fathers took with their questionnaire before the Synod, I am staggered that they have said that “we should return to the message of the Encyclical Humanae Vitae of Blessed Pope Paul VI, which highlights the need to respect the dignity of the person in morally assessing methods in regulating births”.

    We never saw the results of the Australian questionnaire before the Synod.  But I have no reason to think it would be all that much different from the German response:

    In most cases where the Church’s teaching is known, it is only selectively accepted. The idea of the sacramental marriage covenant, which encompasses faithfulness and exclusivity on the part of the spouses and the transmission of life, is normally accepted by people who marry in Church. Most of the baptised enter into marriage in the expectation and hope of concluding a bond for life. The Church’s statements on premarital sexual relations, on homosexuality, on those divorced and remarried, and on birth control, by contrast, are virtually never accepted, or are expressly rejected in the vast majority of cases. 

    We all have our work cut out for us in the next year if this Synod is be truly reflective of the life experience and faith-filled hope of those who commit themselves to making a go of bringing Christ to the world through their work, their commitments to each other, and their children.  For the moment, I would not see much pastoral point in sharing this document with the many young people I know who are living together, or with those who are gay or lesbian seeking a homecoming in the Church, or with those who have endured the pain of divorce and the moral angst of remarriage.  I think I will be telling them to keep the door open, wait a while, and check back in a year to see how we are going.  Francis still has a lot of work ahead of him, and so does the Holy Spirit.  It would be a good start if all bishops’ conferences were to follow the lead of the Germans and publish the results of the original questionnaire.  After all if we can have the voting results on each paragraph of an interim Synod document on the family, why not some indication of what family members are saying to their lordships in good faith and with open hearts?

     

     

     

     

  • Frank Brennan.  My tribute to Gough

    Gough Whitlam once asked me why there were so many social reformers to emerge from Queensland in the early 1970s.  I told him it was simple.  We had someone to whom we could react: Sir Joh Bjelke Petersen; and we had someone to inspire us: him.  I have written elsewhere about his contribution to Aboriginal rights, human rights and international law.  Here, I reflect on the man who inspired me so affectionately, so supportively, and with such a sense of fun.  What he did for me, he did for countless other Australians who dreamt of a better world and a nobler Australia.  Even his political opponents are forever in his debt for having elevated the national vision and for having given us a more complete and generous image of ourselves.  On Sunday I happened to visit the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston.  I took the afternoon tour of American art.  With pride, our guide ended the tour with Jackson Pollock’s painting No 10.  I was able to tell her it was not a patch on Blue Poles purchased by a visionary prime minister down under who copped all hell for spending a six figure sum on just one painting.  That was our Gough.  We are forever in his debt.

    I will share three vignettes.

    In 1980, I took a busload of boys from Xavier College to Canberra on a politics tour.  Andrew Peacock was their local member.  They gave him a hard time because of Malcolm Fraser’s boycott of the Olympics.  I was anxious for them to meet Whitlam who was by then a visiting scholar at the Australian National University writing his large tome on the Whitlam years.  The boys, many of whom came from households very sympathetic to the politics of B A Santamaria, were testy.  Why did I want them to travel across town to meet a “has been”?  They had met their fill of politicians up at Parliament House.  Gough wowed them.  First he gave them morning tea; then he fielded their questions.  The burly Dan Hess, with a passing wink to his school mates, asked, “What was it like to be sacked?”  Gough drew back and then moved forward, telling the young Christian gentlemen that the events of 1975 had to be seen in the context of the decline in traditions and institutions in our society.  He then asked a rhetorical question in conclusion, “For example, how many of you boys from Xavier College would ever contemplate becoming a Jesuit nowadays?”  No one answered, but the remark had some impact on the now Fr Edward Dooley SJ.

    In 1981, Gough was awarded an honourary doctorate of letters.  I had written congratulating him on his receipt of an honour which was both appropriate and ideologically sound.  I did not hear back from him for some months, and I had no expectation of any response.  Then some months later again, he worked his way across a crowded room to speak to me.  We both had the advantage of being considerably taller than most of our companions in a crowd.  He asked, “Did you get my letter?” I told him how pleased and honoured I was.  He asked, “Did it arrive with Vatican stamps?”  Indeed it had.  He had instructed the embassy officials in Rome that the letter had to be posted from the Vatican.  The envelope bore the crest of the English College.  The letter commenced with words to this effect: “It is with great pleasure that I write you this, my first letter from the Romans, and I do so from the most fashionable address in the eternal city.”

    In late 1997, I landed at Sydney airport, having flown in from Broome, and was about to make my way back to St Canice’s Church in Kings Cross.  Gough and the good “Dame Margaret” (as he liked to refer to his beloved) were there.  He offered me a lift in their government limousine.  On arrival at the church, I asked whether he liked mangoes as I had some splendid ones from the Kimberley.  He replied, “I do, and Dame Margaret loves them.”  A few weeks later, I was preparing for the funeral of Nugget Coombs in St Marys Cathedral Sydney. There had been a little tension in the background between Prime Minister John Howard’s office and Aboriginal leader Patrick Dodson about what should be said in Dodson’s eulogy about Aboriginal self-determination and conflict with government. It was at the height of controversy over the Wik ten point plan.  Some last minute changes were made to Dodson’s text.   With only minutes to spare, I made it out onto the front steps of the cathedral to welcome the official mourning party including Mr Howard, Mr Dodson and Sir William Deane.  The TV cameras were in close proximity.  Then up the steps came Gough oblivious of all controversy.  He grasped me firmly by the hand and with that glint in the eye said, “Father, the mangoes were magnificent.”  It was a blessed moment.

    During the service, Gough, who was fond of describing himself as “a fellow traveller – not so much a pillar of the Church but rather one of those flying buttresses you find on European cathedrals”, came up onto the sanctuary to deliver his own eulogy.  This is how he commenced: “Prime Ministers like to describe themselves as the servants of the people. The most striking claim of the Supreme Pontiff is to be the servant of the servants of God. If, in this setting and as the last of the seven Prime Ministers whom Coombs served, I were to suggest an epitaph for him, it would be “the servant of the servants of the people.”  Everyone laughed; we were all at ease; Gough was in command.  He concluded that eulogy with words I now apply to him:

    At some time or in some place or in some way the life of everybody in this gathering and in our country would have been touched by Nugget’s manifold activities and enriched by his talents. He was given many talents. He produced great dividends on them. All Australians can say, in the words of the parable, “well done, thou good and faithful servant”.  

    We can all join a chorus of “Amen, Alleluia” to that.  Farewell loyal friend of many, dedicated leader of the nation, and visionary servant of the people in the great south land of the Holy Spirit.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. The Vatican Synod has let the genie out of the bottle.  Deo Gratias

    Let there be no doubt.  There is change, and a great deal of uncertainty, in the air in Rome.  And it is not just coming from Pope Francis.  The Catholic Church retaining some of the attributes of a royal court in its mode of governance provides its senior prelates with every opportunity to emulate the tone and substance of the remarks and the ambiguity of approach of the one they call “the Holy Father”.  The Pope has the opportunity even when convening a synod of 190 bishops to handpick those who steer the synod process, write the minutes and manage the media statements to the world.  On Monday, Cardinal Peter Erdo, the chief reporter (general rapporteur) of the Synod on the Family released the ‘relatio post disceptionem’ after the first week of the Synod.  This is not a final text.  It is simply a working document “intended to raise questions and indicate perspectives that will have to be matured and made clearer by the reflection of the local Churches” in the year ahead.

    The document shows the way things are going, and that way is very different from any dictated path approved by the late St John Paul II and simplistically reaffirmed by those prelates who say they too like mercy but prefer the indisputable teachings of Jesus.   The document, which starts with a section on “listening: the context and challenges to the family” before then describing “the gaze on Christ: the Gospel of the family”, lacks the judgmental certainty of the past and displays the moral ambiguity of any pastoral approach which is truly attentive to the complexity, and often the mess, of families and human relationships.  The starting point is a vision of the Church not as the pure bride of Christ armed with the magisterium but as the people of God hungry for food, seeking forgiveness with the words at the Eucharist: “Lord I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof, say but the word and my soul shall be healed.”  We all come to the table of the banquet as sinners seeking mercy, forgiveness and the bread of life.  The document espouses “a missionary conversion: it is necessary not to stop at an announcement that is merely theoretical and has nothing to do with people’s real problems”.  A true first for any Vatican document is that it calls for a new sensitivity in grasping the positive reality of civil weddings and of cohabitation.  While continuing to espouse the ideal of sacramental marriage, the prelates say they need also to “indicate the constructive elements in those situations that do not yet or no longer correspond to that ideal”.

    Another “first” is the heading in the Vatican document: “Welcoming homosexual persons”.  The Catechism of the Catholic Church composed during the pontificate of John Paul categorically states: The homosexual inclination is “objectively disordered”.  This claim has been constantly restated in Vatican documents for some time.  For example when Joseph Ratzinger was Prefect for the Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith during John Paul’s papacy, this claim was restated in the CDF’s 2003 document entitled “Considerations regarding proposals to give legal recognition to unions between homosexual persons”.  That document also stated that all “homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered” and that this moral judgment is “unanimously accepted by Catholic Tradition”.   This week’s working document from the synod raises some rhetorical and not so rhetorical questions.  Regardless of how these questions are answered in the year ahead, the very posing of the questions shows that the genie is out of the bottle.  The Catholic Tradition as previously declared is no longer unanimously accepted.  Cardinal Erdo who read his text to the assembled prelates and those lay people invited to attend the Synod as non-voting members said: “Homosexuals have gifts and qualities to offer to the Christian community: are we capable of welcoming these people, guaranteeing to them a fraternal space in our communities? Often they wish to encounter a Church that offers them a welcoming home. Are our communities capable of providing that, accepting and valuing their sexual orientation, without compromising Catholic doctrine on the family and matrimony?”  Presumably there is no going back to the Church position that was implacably opposed to accepting and valuing the homosexual orientation on the grounds that the orientation is disordered.  It is high time for some development in the Catholic doctrine on the family and matrimony.  The synod document puts it nicely: “Without denying the moral problems connected to homosexual unions it has to be noted that there are cases in which mutual aid to the point of sacrifice constitutes a precious support in the life of the partners.”

    Before the Synod, Johan Bonny, the bishop of Antwerp issued a pastoral letter in which he made the observation:

    In these last months of preparation for the Synod, I have heard or read the following on numerous occasions: ‘Agreed that the Synod should support greater pastoral flexibility, but it will not be able to touch Church doctrine’.  Some create the impression that the Synod will only be free to speak about the applicability of the Church’s teaching and not about its content.  In my opinion, however, such an antithesis between ‘pastoral care’ and ‘doctrine’ is inappropriate in both theological and pastoral terms and it has no foundation in the tradition of the Church.  Pastoral care has everything to do with doctrine and doctrine has everything to do with pastoral care.  Both will have to be dealt with during the Synod if the Church wants to open new avenues towards the evangelisation of marriage and family life in today’s society.

    There is plenty of work to be done over the next year as local churches reflect on the pastoral and doctrinal questions finally unleashed in Rome this last week.  Many of the 41 prelates who responded immediately to this document did express fears and concerns we are told.  But it is only by acknowledging that the genie is out of the bottle and that there is a need for a comprehensive rethink by the Catholic Church on its teaching about marriage, sexuality, and reception of the Eucharist that we as Church will be able to “offer a meaningful word of hope” – this being the task the Synod Fathers have allocated themselves in the year ahead.   As a Church we have clung to judgmental certainty for too long in the face of people’s every day searching for love, mercy, forgiveness and the food of life.  Now is the time for all Catholics to share “the courage of the faith and the humble and honest welcome of the truth in charity” for all persons approaching the table of the banquet.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. We think we have a problem!

    Eureka Street has run an article by Frank Brennan which highlights the far greater problems that the US has in managing its land border with Mexico. Frank Brennan also reflects on sending refugees to Cambodia, our locking up of children in Immigration detention facilities and the holding of 157 people including over 30 children in detention on a ship in the Indian Ocean for almost a month.

    See link to the Eureka Street article below. 

    John Menadue

     

    http://eurekastreet.com.au/article.aspx?aeid=41857

  • Frank Brennan SJ. A Jesuit Bicentenary

    Everyone knows that we Jesuits have had a rocky history.  We were fabulously successful in educating the European elite for quite some time.  Things went off the rails badly in the eighteenth century.  We lost out to the Vatican Curia over the dispute about accommodating some Confucian and Hindu traditional rites in prayer and liturgy on the missions in China and India.  We fell out of favour with the imperial court in Portugal, then in France, and then in 1767 in Spain.  By then many Jesuits were on the run throughout Europe.  The Portuguese were particularly upset with our defence of the locals living on the Reductions in South America.  We had some sort of notion that the locals owned the place, not their colonisers.  Ultimately the courts of Europe prevailed on Pope Clement XIV who published the brief Dominus ac Redemptor on 21 July 1773.  Having listed the many shortcomings of the Society of Jesus, he decreed:

    “From sure knowledge and fullness of apostolic power, we abolish and suppress the oft-mentioned Society. We take away and abrogate each and every one of its offices, ministries, administrations, houses, schools, colleges, retreats, farms, and any properties in whatsoever province, realm, and jurisdiction and in whatever way pertaining to the Society. We do away with the statutes, customs, usages, decrees, Constitutions, even those confirmed by oath, by apostolic approval, or by other means.”

    In much the same way that recent popes have decreed that we can never again talk about women’s ordination and that it would never be possible anyway, Clement purported to wipe out the Jesuits not just for the present, but forever.  In his mind, there could never be a restoration of the Jesuits.  He decreed:

    The letter is not to be subjected to terms of the law nor are remedies to be sought in law, fact, favor, or justice. No one is to seek concessions or favors whether in court or outside the court. But we want the same present letter to be always and for ever valid, firm, and efficacious, and that it be allotted and maintain its full and entire effects and that it be inviolably observed by each and every person to whom it pertains or will in some way pertain in the future.”

    Bishop Bill Morris had it good, compared with us back in those days.  No such thing as due process back then.  There was one huge loophole.  The brief needed to be promulgated by the ruler in every jurisdiction where the Jesuits were.  The good old Tsarina Catherine II, the Orthodox Empress of Russia (God bless her), had her own reasons for wanting to maintain the presence of the Jesuits in White Russia.  She refused to promulgate the brief and the Jesuits were happy to provide their services especially when the Russians took over part of East Poland with a lot of Catholics.  Clement died a year after he published his decree.  His successor was the long-reigning Pius VI who had been educated by the Jesuits and who was known to be sympathetic to the restoration of the Society.  But he was not able to stand up to Spain. In 1801 shortly after his election as Pope, Pius VII formally approved the ongoing existence of the Society of Jesus in Poland.  Then ultimately on 7 August 1814, he issued the papal bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum restoring the Society of Jesus throughout the world.

    Pius VII decreed: “We concede and grant to our beloved son and priest Tadeusz Brzozowski, current superior general of the Society of Jesus, and to others legitimately deputed by him, all necessary and appropriate faculties at our pleasure and that of the Apostolic See, so that in all said states and jurisdictions, they may licitly and freely admit and accept all who seek to be admitted and incorporated into the regular order of the Society of Jesus”.  The show was back on the road everywhere.  Our present superior General, Fr Adolfo Nicolas, has said: “All the crises of history enclose a hidden wisdom that needs to be fathomed. For us, Jesuits, this is the commemoration of our greatest crisis. It is, therefore, important that we should learn from the events themselves, that we should discover the good and the bad in our behaviour in order to revive those great desires the Pope spoke of and continue the work of evangelisation, refining our brotherhood and deepening our love.”

    This Thursday we mark the 200th anniversary of this Restoration.  Last Thursday the Church’s first Jesuit pope Francis came to lunch at the Jesuit curia to celebrate the feast of St Ignatius Loyola, our founder.  He came on an hour’s notice.  He came in his Ford Focus.  He sat down to lunch with the Jesuit community and there was hardly a clerical collar in sight.  Also present were the seven siblings of Fr dall’Oglio SJ who was abducted in Syria a year ago.

    We Jesuits still espouse the land rights of indigenous peoples.  We still think it important to take seriously local cultures and spiritualities when evangelizing.  We still educate all sorts of people, including some who are rich and powerful.  Many politicians still think we are meddling priests.  And we still get into trouble occasionally.  But for the moment both the white and black popes are one of us.  Now that is a turn-up for the books. And no one any longer talks about Clement’s ludicrous claim that his decree was “always and for ever valid”.  So please do raise a glass to the Jesuits on Thursday, and don’t hold us responsible for everything done by our alumni who occupy the modern equivalents of the imperial courts.

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. How the Bishop was forced to resign because he played too much for the local team

    I have followed the Bishop Bill Morris saga closely. My one new insight from reading Bill’s book – “Benedict, Me and the Cardinals Three” – is that he was sacked because he was too much a team player with his local church. By sacking their local leader, the Romans hoped to shatter the morale and direction of those who had planned the pastoral strategies of a country diocese stretched to the limits as a Eucharistic community soon to be deprived of priests in the Roman mould.

    He was the consummate team player who planned his pastoral strategies in close consultation with his presbyterate and the various consultative organs he set up in the diocese. As the people of Toowoomba continue to live faithful lives as Catholics, they still hold Bill in high esteem; meanwhile all the people in Rome are now gone. As Peter Dorfield, Bill’s Vicar General says, it was ‘a poor decision based on poor advice’.

    It’s been very difficult to work out why Bishop Morris was sacked. It’s been a moving target. At first the concern seemed to be over the third rite of reconciliation and his failure to drop everything and come to Rome when Cardinal Arinze specified. Bill pointed out that he was due in Rome four months after the specified date, so surely things could wait until then. It seems that over time Bill had mended his ways on the third rite to comply with Rome’s new strictures.

    Then there was his Advent pastoral letter of 2006. We are left confused as to whether Morris was sacked chiefly for what he wrote in that letter, or for what was reported by Archbishop Chaput, now of Philadelphia and then of Denver, who was appointed Pontifical Visitator of Toowoomba in 2007. Or for what was reported to Rome by those sometimes described as ‘the temple police’. The offending section of his pastoral letter was:

    “Given our deeply held belief in the primacy of Eucharist for the identity, continuity and life of each parish community, we may well need to be much more open towards other options of ensuring that Eucharist may be celebrated. Several responses have been discussed internationally, nationally and locally

    • ordaining married, single or widowed men who are chosen and endorsed by their local parish community

    • welcoming former priests, married or single back to active ministry

    • ordaining women, married or single

    • recognising Anglican, Lutheran and Uniting Church Orders

    While we continue to reflect carefully on these options we remain committed to actively promoting vocations to the current celibate male priesthood and open to inviting priests from overseas.”

    If he was sacked for what he wrote in his Advent letter about the possible ordination of women, married priests, and recognition of other orders ‘Rome willing’, there would have been no need for Archbishop Chaput later to make his visit and his report. And let’s remember that Morris had published a clarification of his pastoral letter on his website saying:

    “In my Advent Pastoral Letter of 2006 I outlined some of the challenges facing the diocese into the future. In that letter I made reference to various options about ordination that were and are being talked about in various places, as part of an exercise in the further investigation of truth in these matters. Unfortunately some people seem to have interpreted that reference as suggesting that I was personally initiating options that are contrary to the doctrine and discipline of the Church. As a bishop I cannot and would not do that and I indicated this in the local media at the time.”

    But then again if he was sacked for matters detailed in Chaput’s report, we are left wondering why Chaput being apprised of the Advent letter and having completed his visit would have told the Diocesan Chancellor Brian Sparksman how extraordinarily surprising it would be if Morris were to be sacked. As they drove back to Brisbane after the visitation, Chaput told Sparksman, ‘I would be astonished if you were to lose your bishop.’

    The matter is a complete mess reflecting very poorly on a Church that prides itself on a Code of Canon Law that provides for the protection of the rights of all Christ’s faithful, including priests and bishops.

    I imagine it is still not possible for Pope Francis to apologise for the wrong done to Bishop Morris and the diocese of Toowoomba. The Roman Curia and its mindset would at least have that much of a hold over him. But wouldn’t it be a grace for everyone, including those who perpetrated the wrong if he did?

    Bill’s book highlights especially through the process suggested by the group in Toowoomba  — that a report be commissioned from retired Justice William Carter and the subsequent canonical report by Fr Ian Waters – that Bishop Morris was denied natural justice. As William Carter said at the Brisbane launch, ‘Scripture abounds with references to justice and to our need to ‘act justly’ in our personal lives. Show me the law or doctrine that exempts the pope and the cardinals three from compliance with this same requirement in the circumstances of a case like this? This is why this book had to be written

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Homily for Trinity Sunday with the Royal Commission in town.

    On Friday afternoon, I called into the Canberra Magistrates’ Court to watch an hour or two of proceedings at the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. The court was packed with lawyers.  These are shameful times for us Australians as we realise how great has been the problem of child sexual abuse in our society, and presumably still is.  They have been especially shameful times for us Catholics as we realise what a problem this has been in our schools, welfare institutions and parishes.  Thank God, we have the help of the State to investigate matters thoroughly and transparently.  We know that no royal commission can solve all the problems.  No royal commission ever has. Think just of the royal commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody which promised so much.  The Aboriginal imprisonment rate is higher now than it was before the Commission was held.  But hopefully with this royal commission, there can be new laws, new rules, and new protocols which can help to reduce the incidence of child abuse in all our social institutions, especially those which work most closely with vulnerable children.  These new laws, new rules, and new protocols will apply just as much to our church organisations as to any other social organisations.

    Much of the Commission spotlight has been on institutions in our own Church.  Let’s hope and pray that everyone from our Church who is involved in any way with the Commission comes with a commitment to honesty, transparency, justice, compassion and healing.
    But we are not just citizens of the state.  Our organisations are not just like any other organisations.  We profess to be the Church, the people of God.  Seeking to follow the way of Jesus on the path of our Catholic tradition, we pride ourselves on caring for the poorest and most vulnerable; we hold ourselves out to each other and to the world as people who nurture trust and the finest values being applied and lived universally.

    No matter what the findings of any royal commission, and no matter what the new rules, protocols and procedures, the spotlight of this commission brings us back to ask ourselves how we are responding and living as God’s people.  We know that the way of Jesus requires us to focus first and foremost on the victim, the vulnerable child.  We know that any abuse affects not only the victim, but also their loved ones and family members.  We know that the effects of the abuse can continue for life; it can completely wreck a life.  We understand how over time the victim might come to be and to feel alienated from us, the people of God. And yet he is or she is one of us, one of the flock.  The abuser is also one of us, one of the flock.  He, and it is usually he, is often in a position of authority and trust, providing the opportunity to abuse and fracturing the trust and professed values of whole community.

    For too long, those in authority in our Church but also many people in our society were not aware of the reality or effects of abuse, or they were slack and incompetent in dealing with abusers.  The result has been that the abusers, like rotten apples in the box of fruit, have infected all around them.  It’s like throwing a stone into a pond.  The ripples go everywhere.  The abuse has wreaked havoc in our institutions as well as in the lives of those who are victims.  There’s damage everywhere.

    No royal commission can put all these things right.  As well as pledging ourselves both to co-operate fully with the processes of the commission and to renew our institutions so that their rules and procedures reflect the values and moral norms we profess, we need to attend to the more radical call to redemption in today’s scripture readings – readings which reflect the life of God in relationship – the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit – in relationship with each other, and in relationship with us.  Jesus tells Nicodemus that “God sent his Son into the World not to condemn the world, but so that through him the world might be saved.”  As a Church we do stand condemned in the eyes of many of our fellow citizens.  Some of them are anti-Catholic, but most of them are not.

    We can pick ourselves up from this, confident that the Lord is in relationship with us providing a way forward to salvation rather than condemnation.  We can understand how many victims might now feel alienated from us, but our door must always be open, not just providing what justice and the law require, but also offering a homecoming and grateful acknowledgement of the added burdens they carried so that we might come back to our true selves as the people of God.  Any victim, like the unknown solider, “is all of them and he is one of us”.

    What is harder for all of us at this time is also to acknowledge that the perpetrator is one of us.  We harboured him, we provided unwittingly or foolishly the opportunity for his repeat offending.  Ours, as Exodus reminds us, is “a God of tenderness and compassion, slow to anger, rich in kindness and faithfulness”.   We cannot be whole again, our institutions cannot be trusted again, our leadership cannot inspire us again, until we face the enormity not just of abuse but of abject failure to counter it even when the signs, evidence and complaints were there.  Having faced the truth and having accorded justice, we might again embrace God and each other with tenderness and compassion, kindness and faithfulness.

    After communion, you might like to offer your own reflections.  Meanwhile in this Eucharist, may the grace of our Lord Jesus, Christ, the love of God and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit” be with us all, especially with the little ones who have been wronged and who have had the courage to speak out.

    After communion, a couple of parishioners spoke.  One reflected that she had just returned from overseas and was grateful to be an Australian, a citizen of a country where there could be a royal commission, putting a light on the darkness.  She recalled the song about setting the downtrodden free.  And this is what we must now do.  Another lamented that the horse has already bolted, and that with the effects of clericalism, control had been taken away from the local church and from the people of God these last 50 years.  It was time for the laity to be resolute so that the stable door might be fastened again.

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ
    Professor of Law
    Australian Catholic University

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Why I am not just “getting over” the boats stopping.

    Some people keep saying, “The people have spoken.  The Abbott government is right.  The boats have stopped.  So just get over it.”  I am getting a little weary of this populist refrain.  I am quite prepared to accept that the majority of Australians want the boats stopped.  Then arise the questions: how can this be done ethically? How can it be done respecting the rule of law and the sovereignty of parliament and the separation of powers?  Even the second question should be of concern to all citizens, and not just lawyers.

    The historical perspective is important. The High Court struck down the Malaysia solution. Both sides of Parliament agreed that they did not want the High Court scrutinising this sort of deal again.  So it was agreed that the scrutiny would be applied ‘with a light touch’ by both houses of parliament being able to disallow any future arrangement.  At no time did anyone suggest that it be done by the Executive with no scrutiny other than the three year ballot box which is not the rule of law but populist rule of the mob.

    Both houses waved through the resurrected Pacific solution.  A year later, Kevin Rudd then decided that he could use the existing designations for Nauru and PNG as temporary offshore processing countries as the basis for a completely new arrangement for permanent offshore resettlement countries – an arrangement which has never been scrutinised by Parliament.  Imagine if Sarah Hanson Young had stood up in the Senate back in 2012 and opposed the designation on the basis that it opened the door to permanent relocation of refugees to Nauru and PNG.  Many senators and commentators would have told her to stop being so shrill and to stop following her wild imagination and that she should get back to the matter at hand.  Presumably the government thought that the High Court was locked out.  I am still not certain about that.  And time will tell no doubt when a challenge is ultimately brought.

    But meanwhile we have an arrangement designed and put in place by the Executive without parliamentary approval and without the opportunity for parliamentary disallowance.  This is a serious democratic deficit particularly when community leaders including all our bishops (and the Pope!) are questioning the morality of what is in place.

    There is an added public policy reason for seeking the parliamentary review.  The boats have now stopped.  The Abbott government is confident that the smuggling racket is smashed and that the Indonesians are now basically on side.  So the boats will remain stopped whether or not there is any one left on Nauru or Manus Island.  So what ethical or political imperative is there for keeping people locked up in such inhumane circumstances?  When the inevitable royal commission on all this is ultimately convened, we would all save the taxpayers many millions in compensation if we could terminate the gulags as quickly as possible.  If we were serious about looking after those people, we would have sent in our own military rather than contracting the matter out to inexperienced, profit seeking corporations and the well motivated Salvos.  It is imperative that our Senators on the cross benches take a long hard look at this once they are all in place next month, for the good of the detainees, and for the good of our democracy.

     

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Cardinal Pell at the Royal Commission

    Last September I addressed the Canon Law Society of Australia and New Zealand on issues the Catholic Church would need to address with the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, and in the follow-up to the Victorian Parliament’s Inquiry into the Handling of Child Abuse by Religious and other Organisations.

    I said: “Those who exercised high office in our Church before 1996 will need to apprise the royal commission of the clerical structures and culture which precluded them from taking further action to arrest child abuse in the Church prior to the institution of Towards Healing and the Melbourne Response.”  At the moment, the royal commission’s focus is on Cardinal Pell and the Archdiocese of Sydney through the prism of the Ellis case.  Now is the time for the structures and culture to be explained, not just to Catholics, but to all citizens.

    In his written submission to the Victorian Inquiry Cardinal Pell who had been auxiliary bishop in Melbourne between 1987 and 1996 stated, “As an auxiliary bishop to Archbishop Little I did not have the authority to handle these matters and had only some general impressions about the response that was being made at that time, but this was sufficient to make it clear to me that this was an issue which needed urgent attention and that we needed to do much better in our response.”  Back in 1988, Pell’s predecessor as Archbishop of Melbourne, Sir Frank Little had set up “a confidential subcommittee” consisting of a lawyer, a psychiatrist and a priest.  Archbishop Denis Hart, Pell’s successor as Archbishop of Melbourne, told the Victorian inquiry that in 1992, he as a priest in the Archdiocesan administration, first began to hear that priests were engaging in sexual abuse. When speaking of his installation as Archbishop of Melbourne on 16 August 1996, Cardinal Pell wrote to the parliamentary committee saying:  “At this time, the media was full of accounts detailing sex abuse in the Catholic community.”  Understandably, this left many people inside and outside the Church wondering, “If Archbishop Little didn’t respond adequately between 1987 and 1996, why didn’t his auxiliary Bishop Pell do something?” and “If the Archbishop knew during those nine years, why didn’t his Auxiliary?”

    Meanwhile in Sydney in the Ellis litigation to which Cardinal Pell was initially a defendant as the new Archbishop of Sydney, Justice Mason, President of the New South Wales Court of Appeal, had cause to refer to the affidavit of Fr John Usher referring to the Archbishop of Sydney at the time of the alleged abuse, Cardinal Freeman “and a number of Auxiliary Bishops as ‘the persons within the Archdiocese with canonical/spiritual authority in relation to (the wrongdoer, Fr Duggan) in respect of the period’”.  Justice Mason later referred to the evidence “showing that it was the former Archbishop, in consultation with the Archdiocesan Council, and not the Trustees, who appointed and supervised Fr Duggan.”  These issues of authority and knowledge are in desperate need of clarification for the good of all parties and for the good of the Church.  If there were different structures and practices in the major archdioceses with auxiliary bishops, for example between Melbourne and Sydney, then this needs to be clarified at the royal commission.

    There is obviously also a need to admit error and rectify the way some lawyers have acted in the name of the Church in the past.  The Ellis case is a real blot on the Church’s record in light of the letter sent by Monsignor John Usher, Chancellor of the Archdiocese of Sydney, to Mr John Ellis on 6 August 2009 stating that he was distressed to learn that the Archdiocesan lawyers had never responded to an offer of compromise  and that the Cardinal “will do all in his power to ensure that this sort of legal abuse is never repeated again”.  Presumably we will hear from Corrs, the Melbourne lawyers brought in specially by Cardinal Pell to run this piece of protracted litigation.  Major firms briefing senior counsel in the appeal courts incurring six-figure expenses are careful to act on instructions from their clients.

    Appearing before the royal commission, church members and the Truth Justice and Healing Council will need to enunciate a principled position on the maintenance of legal professional privilege.  Given the undoubted instances of legal obfuscation in the past, I would suggest that there be a general waiver of privilege in the interests of transparency but with an exception being made for documents between lawyer and client in relation to matters still pending in the courts.  The questions of legal privilege are complex in this royal commission because the law of privilege varies between States and between States and the Commonwealth, bearing in mind that this is in effect seven royal commissions all rolled into one.

    In November the Victorian parliamentary committee reported.  Welcoming the report, Cardinal Pell admitted past mistakes by the Melbourne Archdiocese during his time as auxiliary bishop there.  He wrote: “The report details some of the serious failures in the way the church dealt with these crimes and responded to victims, especially before the procedural reforms of the mid 1990s. Irreparable damage has been caused. By the standards of common decency and by today’s standards, church authorities were not only slow to deal with the abuse, but sometimes did not deal with it in any appropriate way at all. This is indefensible.”

    This refreshing change of tone and collective acceptance of responsibility makes it possible to get some clearer air in the public domain about noble, principled and professional efforts post-1996 as well as unfortunate continued shortcomings. Many of those efforts included highly cooperative, though flawed, initiatives involving both Church and police.

    If the Church maintains the approach that only deceased individual bishops and superiors were to blame prior to 1996, it will be doing a disservice not only to the victims but also to other members of the Church community hoping and praying that the Church might be the exemplar of faith, hope and love — faith in a just and forgiving God, hope for all, including those whose lives have been wrecked by criminal abuse, and love for all, including the primary and secondary victims, erring clerics, our enemies and biased critics.

    This week in preparation for his appearance before the royal commission, Cardinal Pell made a second and more specific admission of the need for a change of approach.  He wrote:  “Whatever position was taken by the lawyers during the litigation, or by lawyers or individuals within the Archdiocese following the litigation, my own view is that the Church in Australia should be able to be sued in cases of this kind.”

    As I said on ABC World Today: “It’s heartening to see that at the top leadership of the Catholic Church in Australia, in relation to a case where Cardinal Pell himself was involved as the Archbishop of Sydney while this litigation was playing itself out, it would seem that in hindsight he’s saying, ‘We’ve got to be able to do better than that.’ And I think that’s good news for everyone.”  No doubt, it will be excruciating for the members of the Sydney Archdiocesan administration (clerical and lay) when each of them appears in the witness box in coming days.  But let’s hope the spotlight on the Ellis case provides clarity and new learnings for better administration for the good of all Christ’s faithful, especially those who have been abused or wronged by those in authority. We all need to know which diocesan personnel appoint and supervise church workers, including priests, and which diocesan personnel actually run the show, issuing instructions to lawyers who in the past have pursued individuals like Mr Ellis.  We need to learn from our mistakes putting in place better structures and a better culture for ensuring that those who appoint, supervise and instruct act in the best interests of the little ones, the anawim to whom Jesus gave a privileged place at table.

     

     

  • Towback of boats to Indonesia. Frank Brennan SJ

    ​It is essential that we receive unambiguous public confirmation that Indonesia is agreeing to the tow-back of boats.  Unilateral action by the Abbott Government is just not on.  It would fracture our relationship with Indonesia, would be counterproductive and contrary to our international legal obligations.

    All you need do is consider Recommendation 19 of the 2012 Expert Panel chaired by Angus Houston who had headed our armed services and Michael L’Estrange who had been head of John Howard’s Cabinet Office and then head of the DFAT.

    Recommendation 19 reads: “The Panel notes that the conditions necessary for effective, lawful and safe turnback of irregular vessels carrying asylum seekers to Australia are not currently met, but that this situation could change in the future, in particular if appropriate regional and bilateral arrangements are in place .”

    In their report the Expert Panel spoke about turnbacks at para 3.77:  “Turning back irregular maritime vessels carrying asylum seekers to Australia can be operationally achieved and can constitute an effective disincentive to such ventures, but only in circumstances where a range of operational, safety of life, diplomatic and legal conditions are met:

    • The State to which the vessel is to be returned would need to consent to such a return.
    • Turning around a vessel outside Australia’s territorial sea or contiguous zone (that is, in international waters) or ‘steaming’ a vessel intercepted and turned around in Australia’s territorial sea or contiguous zone back through international waters could only be done under international law with the approval of the State in which the vessel is registered (the ‘flag State’).
    • A decision to turn around a vessel would need to be made in accordance with Australian domestic law and international law, including non-refoulement obligations, and consider any legal responsibility Australia or operational personnel would have for the consequences to the individuals on board any vessel that was to be turned around.
    • Turning around a vessel would need to be conducted consistently with Australia’s obligations under the SOLAS Convention, particularly in relation to those on board the vessel, mindful also of the safety of those Australian officials or Australian Defence Force (ADF ) personnel involved in any such operation.”

    They then say, “In the Panel’s view, the conditions noted above and required for effective, lawful and safe turnbacks of irregular vessels headed for Australia with asylum seekers on board are not currently met in regard to turnbacks to Indonesia.”

    Mr Abbott and Mr Morrison, we need to know what’s changed.  This is not war.  This is the rule of law on the high seas during peacetime.  This is Australia.

    Fr Frank Brennan SJ, Professor of Law, Australian Catholic University 

     

  • A reflection on Pope Francis’s Exhortation. Guest blogger: Frank Brennan SJ

     

    Pope Francis has published his first and very prolix papal teaching document entitled Evangelii Gaudium (the joy of evangelisation).  With a tone of delightful self-mocking he observes,  “I am aware that nowadays documents do not arouse the same interest as in the past and that they are quickly forgotten.” On the scale of papal authority, the document is called an Apostolic Exhortation which comes in below an Encyclical.  This gives the pope licence to be more free ranging, adding anecdotes and pastoral tips.  Since the Second Vatican Council, there have been synods of bishops convened to discuss particular topics.  In the past, the Pope has then written the synod document, ensuring Vatican control of  the outcomes.  Towards the end of Benedict’s papacy a Synod was convened on “the new evangelisation” which was often code for getting away from social justice and rediscovering pieties which might appeal to young people joining some of the new church movements which were replacing regular parish involvement.  Francis says, “I was happy to take up the request of the Fathers of the Synod to write this Exhortation”.  It has provided him an opportunity to roll out all the things he has been saying which have put a spring in the step of many Catholics who think this pope is good news, having a deep pastoral sense, a strong commitment to the poor, and a resolute conviction that Rome does not have all the answers.  Trying to sum up the 50,000 words in a few phrases, I would say his message is: “The gospel really is good news especially for the poor and anyone who takes seriously the sufferings of the world.  The church doors are open to everyone.  We are not a ghetto.  We engage with the world and he have something to say.  Get out there.  Do something to help your neighbour.  Do it joyfully. Do it with passion.  The Church is here to help, not to hinder.  Church teachings won’t be changing any time soon.  But don’t expect Rome to have all the answers.  Don’t be afraid to make mistakes.  And do something to change the unjust economic structures of the world.”  It’s refreshing that he liberally quotes statements by bishops’ gatherings from various parts of the world including Oceania.  He takes decentralisation and subsidiarity seriously.  He is doing it.  How refreshing to have a Pope write: “Nor do I believe that the papal magisterium should be expected to offer a definitive or complete word on every question which affects the Church and the world. It is not advisable for the Pope to take the place of local Bishops in the discernment of every issue which arises in their territory. In this sense, I am conscious of the need to promote a sound ‘decentralization’.”  Vatican monsignori in long flowing robes will be troubled to hear him say, “Mere administration can no longer be enough.  Throughout the world, let us be permanently in a state of mission”.

    In the past, more conservative bishops have tried to downplay the significance of national bishops’ conferences, preferring their individual teaching role augmented by ready access to Roman dicasteries which could receive complaints from disaffected parishioners upset at the pastoral leanings of more liberal bishops like Pat Power and Bill Morris here in Australia.  Francis says, “Episcopal conferences are in a position to contribute in many and fruitful ways to the concrete realization of the collegial spirit”. He says that  “this desire has not been fully realized” and notes that “excessive centralization, rather than proving helpful, complicates the Church’s life and her missionary outreach.”  As a non-European pope he is particularly sensitive to cultural diversity and much of the European baggage in the Church.  For him,  the Church was never Europe and Europe is not the Church.   He happily quotes our Bishops of Oceania asking that the Church “develop an understanding and a presentation of the truth of Christ working from the traditions and cultures of the region” and inviting “all missionaries to work in harmony with indigenous Christians so as to ensure that the faith and the life of the Church be expressed in legitimate forms appropriate for each culture”. With South American gusto, he adds: “We cannot demand that peoples of every continent, in expressing their Christian faith, imitate modes of expression which European nations developed at a particular moment of their history, because the faith cannot be constricted to the limits of understanding and expression of any one culture.  It is an indisputable fact that no single culture can exhaust the mystery of our redemption in Christ.”

    While not promising any changes to church teaching on contraception, divorce and remarriage, etc, he offers real hope of sacramental hospitality being offered in local churches.  Having noted that “the Church has rules or precepts which may have been quite effective in their time, but no longer have the same usefulness for directing and shaping people’s lives”, he throws open the doors with this declaration: “The Church is called to be the house of the Father, with doors always wide open. One concrete sign of such openness is that our church doors should always be open, so that if someone, moved by the Spirit, comes there looking for God, he or she will not find a closed door. There are other doors that should not be closed either. Everyone can share in some way in the life of the Church; everyone can be part of the community, nor should the doors of the sacraments be closed for simply any reason. This is especially true of the sacrament which is itself “the door”: baptism. The Eucharist, although it is the fullness of sacramental life, is not a prize for the perfect but a powerful medicine and nourishment for the weak. These convictions have pastoral consequences that we are called to consider with prudence and boldness. Frequently, we act as arbiters of grace rather than its facilitators. But the Church is not a tollhouse; it is the house of the Father, where there is a place for everyone, with all their problems.”

    But there are some nettles he is not prepared to grasp, and the Church will continue to suffer for it.  He writes, “The reservation of the priesthood to males, as a sign of Christ the Spouse who gives himself in the Eucharist, is not a question open to discussion, but it can prove especially divisive if sacramental power is too closely identified with power in general.” Surely it must be even more divisive if those who reserve to themselves sacramental power determine that they alone can determine who has access to that power and legislate that the matter is not open for discussion.  Given that the power to determine the teaching of the magisterium and the provisions of canon law is not a sacramental power, is there not a need to include women in the decision that the question is not open to discussion and in the contemporary quest for an answer to the question? Francis’s position on this may be politic for the moment within the Vatican which has had a longtime preoccupation with shutting down the discussion, but the position is  incoherent.  The claim that the matter “is not a question open to discussion” can not be maintained unless sacramental power also includes the power to determine theology and the power to determine canon law.  Ultimately the Pope’s claim must be that only those possessed of sacramental power can determine the magisterium and canon law.  Conceding for the moment the historic exclusion of women from the sacramental power of presidency at Eucharist, we need to determine if “the possible role of women in decision-making in different areas of the Church’s life” could include the power to contribute to theological discussion and the shaping of the magisterium and to canonical discussion about sanctions for participating in theological discussion on set topics such as the ordination of women.  As Francis says, “Demands that the legitimate rights of women be respected, based on the firm conviction that men and women are equal in dignity, present the Church with profound and challenging questions which cannot be lightly evaded.”   This paragraph of the Exhortation on women’s ordination adds nothing to a resolution of the question nor the way forward.  This Exhortation contains some wonderful material but on this issue, Francis has attempted to lightly evade the question riding the jetstream of opposition entrenched in the magisterium and in canon law by his two predecessors.

    Francis makes no pretence to having all the answers.  He won’t be moving any time soon to change church teachings.  But he has done a lot with this Exhortation to move the Church back into the world and to open the Church to all sinners without discrimination.  He makes appealing his vision of a Church which is “bruised, hurting and dirty because it has been out on the streets, rather than a Church which is unhealthy from being confined and from clinging to its own security.”

     

  • Asylum seekers – a regional solution and Bob Carr’s nonsense. Guest blogger: Frank Brennan SJ

    This morning Frank Brennan was interviewed by Fran Kelly on ABC Breakfast. See link below to the interview. (John Menadue)

    http://mpegmedia.abc.net.au/rn/podcast/2013/07/bst_20130702_0821.mp3