Category: Health

  • Michael Thorn. The Australian cricket captain says its about the brand and not alcohol.

    Repost from 24/09/2015

    Premier Mike Baird’s public comments at last week’s Thomas Kelly Foundation event in Sydney wasn’t the first time he has questioned the extent of alcohol advertising in this country, particularly its strong association with big sport.

    Baird made the self-evident point that such alcohol advertising has become omni-present and spoke about the need to reduce its presence.

    I find it quite an incredible position where the captain of our cricket team sits there with a big VB on the middle [of his chest],” Mr Baird said.

    It would be a fair bet that there were more than few alcohol industry, advertising and sporting corporate types on the phone to the Premier’s office the next morning to set him straight.

    Indeed, Australian Cricket Captain Steve Smith was sent out to face the media and, attempting to play a dead bat, suggested that “we’re promoting the brand, not the consumption of alcohol”.

    Which would be all well and good if the two were not so inextricably linked.

    I dearly hope Mike Baird continues to be engaged in this issue because his leadership will be important for an issue most Australian’s want changed.

    The problem with alcohol advertising is threefold.

    First, child and adolescent exposure to alcohol advertising is associated with earlier initiation of drinking and greater consumption among existing drinkers.

    Second, alcohol advertising targets children. The industry does this because unless new drinkers are recruited they are out of business.

    Third, and most importantly, alcohol advertising confirms and reinforces the cultural norm about alcohol’s place in our society and overwhelms health and medical efforts to change this.

    It also fosters unhealthy politico-corporate behaviour. Time and again political leaders are either captured by these vested interests or too weak to resist their overtures. History is littered with examples of these private corporate interests being placed ahead of the public interest.

    These interests have enormous power, which they aren’t afraid to use. It takes a special kind of political leader to stand up to these corporate bullies.

    But the research evidence about the pervasiveness of alcohol advertising is clear. It is considerable in its breadth and it volume; and big sport, advertisers and the media barons are completely attached to the steady financial drip.

    New research from Monash University’s Professor Kerry O’Brien shows that Australian children and adolescents receive millions of exposures to alcohol advertising when watching AFL, NRL, and Cricket on television. It found that a cumulative audience of 26.9 million Australian children and adolescents watching these sports are exposed to 51 million instances of alcohol advertising, with nearly half (47%) of these broadcast during daytime programming between 6am and 8.30pm.

    This latest research once again demonstrates that existing alcohol advertising regulations are not protecting Australian children from exposure to unhealthy advertising during prominent televised sports.

    As NRL and AFL footy finals move towards their denouement, the egregious loophole that allows alcohol advertising to be broadcast during live sporting broadcasts in the daytime, on weekends and public holidays continues to expose millions of Australian children and adolescents to high levels of alcohol advertising.

    Premier Baird’s comments, timely as they are, come as FreeTV Australia seeks approval to relax restrictions that will allow for even more alcohol advertising on TV, a move that would be a backward and an enormously damaging step.

    The current self-regulatory alcohol advertising codes have not only failed to protect children and adolescents from exposure to alcohol messages. They have failed miserably to keep up with the rapidly shifting traditional and digital landscape and protect consumers of all ages from inappropriate advertising.

    Ideally, alcohol advertising should be banned from broadcast and online media, alcohol sponsorship of sport and cultural events should cease (using a replacement advertising scheme funded by a levy on alcohol sales), and health and safety counter-advertising should accompany print and outdoor advertising.

    In the meantime, the Commonwealth Government needs to establish an independent review of Australia’s broadcast and digital alcohol advertising guidelines. Such a government-instigated review could cut through the complexity, identify and resolve current failings and recommend the introduction of an effective alcohol advertising regulatory regime.

    Perhaps this is something Premier Baird could take up new Prime Minister Turnbull, whom I know has also expressed concern about the pervasiveness of alcohol advertising.

    The review could deal with the inconsistent approaches to alcohol advertising without having to lower the bar further on an already broken system. We must tighten the alcohol advertising guidelines and lift the advertising standards across all media including commercial television, Pay TV and online platforms.

    Meanwhile, Mike Baird continues to lead the way when it comes to speaking up about issues that damage and destroy too many lives.

    Michael Thorn is CEO of Foundation for Alcohol Research and Education.

     

  • Kim Oates. Don’t forget children when talking about domestic violence

    Children are victims of domestic violence too.

    Last week the Children’s Commissioner released this year’s children’s rights report. It provided new data about the prevalence of child physical and sexual abuse and their links with domestic violence.

    Christmas, traditionally a time of peace and goodwill is sadly, a time of increased domestic violence, thought to be due to increased alcohol consumption and family gatherings where there can be the potential to cause resentment and open old wounds.

    Our awareness of the extent of domestic violence has been slow in coming. It parallels the way awareness of child sexual abuse came about almost 40 years ago.

    When I was a medical student attending psychiatry lectures in 1966, our very eminent professor of psychiatry mentioned that sometimes men sexually abused girls, but that this was very rare. He explained to us that it often occurred at the instigation of the mother who, not wanting sex, pushed her daughter forward instead. Like good students we took notes and learned this “fact” in case it came up in an exam. We did not realise how outrageous and how wrong this teaching was.

    Then in 1977 a US paediatrician, Henry Kempe wrote a seminal paper “Sexual abuse, another hidden paediatric problem”. He documented what happens to these children, that it happens in outwardly respectable families, that it is not the child’s fault or the mother’s fault and that it is not rare. Kempe wasn’t the first to describe the sexual abuse of children but having described “The Battered Child Syndrome” 15 years earlier, his stature was such that when he wrote, people took notice.

    Brave victims came forward and spoke of their childhood experiences.  Other prominent women, social workers and concerned paediatricians spoke about the problem. A backlash followed. There was denial about its extent. Child victims were accused of fabricating stories. It took many years until the community became aware that this was a serious and widespread problem for the whole of society and that prevention as well as treatment and care for the victims was needed.

    The awareness of domestic violence has been similar, although occurring much later. For many years it was swept under the carpet,  considered to be family business, “better not to get involved”. Victims were blamed as if it was their fault. Police did not give it high priority.

    Like child sex abuse, it was a problem that made us feel uncomfortable, a problem we’d rather not know about, a problem that perhaps occurred in “other families”, but certainly not amongst people we knew.

    It took some horrific cases, it required concerned women who set up refuges, and it needed brave victims, such as Rosie Batty, to speak up. Only now are we becoming aware of the extent and seriousness of domestic violence, violence that on average causes the death of at least one woman each week and causes physical and psychological harm to countless others.

    So what about the link between domestic violence and the abuse of children? We used to teach that they had little in common. Now we know that domestic violence has very serious effects on children.

    Children who witness domestic violence can have a range of reactions. Some become fearful, living in constant anxiety, some may feel guilty that they are unable to protect their mother, some feel guilty because they still love their father and they just want him to stop.  Others become aggressive. Some learn that this is the way fathers behave towards their wives, leading to the possible intergenerational transmission of domestic violence if this is the only role model they are exposed to.

    And then there is the physical and sexual abuse of children in families where domestic violence occurs. Research has shown that between 45 per cent and 75 per cent of women living in refuges report some form of abuse to their children, whether it be physical, emotional or sexual. Other studies suggest that approximately 60 per cent of child physical abuse occurs in homes where there is family and domestic violence. Sometimes a perpetrator uses violence against his partner to prevent her from revealing that he is sexually abusing her child.

    It is ironic and sad that the home, where one expects to be safe, can be the most dangerous place of all for some women and children.

    With Christmas approaching, this is yet another reason not to forget the children.

    Kim Oates is an Emeritus Professor of Paediatrics at Sydney University and a past president of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect.

    This story was found at: http://www.smh.com.au/comment/dont-forget-children-when-talking-about-domestic-violence-20151216-glo9js.html

  • John Menadue. Cricket and the sound of summer.

    For me, the most memorable comment of the cricket season so far has been by Steve Smith, the Australian captain, explaining that the VB logo on their jackets wasn’t really advertising alcohol. It was only ‘branding’.

    I notice that he is now promoting Kentucky Fried Chicken.  I am waiting for his explanation of how that helps combat obesity.

    A sad feature of the current season was the untimely death of Phillip Hughes. There was much public sympathy from the players. It was surprising that they did not fund a memorial foundation. They could afford to. In 2014 out top five players had salaries of over $20 m between them.

    But the best cricket writing of the year was Geoff Lemon in his piece ‘Just not cricket – how Channel 9 is destroying a legacy’.  for his story about Slats, Heals, Tubby, Binga eta al, see link below.

    http://gu.com/p/45d92/sbl

  • John Duggan. The effect of healthcare privatisation on patient outcomes

    Recent actions by the Federal Minister of Health and her predecessors indicate the government’s aim to shift hospital care from the public to the private sector. Associated with this is the   developing perception that private hospitals are superior just as private schooling is increasingly held to be superior to publicly funded schooling.

    However, while there are massive data available comparing standards and outcomes in the school system, public, private and Catholic, there are virtually no Australian data comparing the two hospital systems; the only study found is a Productivity Commission report outlining the equal inefficiency of both systems.    http://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/hospitals/report

    The Federal, State and Territory Health Departments are treasuries of relevant data awaiting the will, finance and logistics to convert data to information and information into knowledge.. The absence of such  data comparing quality of care and outcomes in the two healthcare systems, contrasting with educational data may be attributed to apathy or to the power of vested interests ,.However, studies from the US and , Canada indicate that it can be done,. recognising that in Australia, as the Productivity Commission reported,, the data sources are multiple and ill-coordinated. and that both systems function at 20 % below best practice,.,

    To interpret the US data, it is necessary to understand that, at least until the Obama legislation, there were several hospital systems and funding mechanisms. There were the not-for-profit hospitals often run by religious or community//civic groups , for- profit institutions, generally investor owned and part of a chain, and thirdly, those owned by cities or universities.

    A detailed analysis of 14 studies in the US, totalling 36 million admissions to 26,399 US hospitals 1982 – 1995 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12054406 .compared  for-profit versus not-for-profit hospitals .It showed  a small but statistically significant 2% elevation in mortality in for-profit hospitals. Six of the component studies showed a statistically significant advantage for not-for- profit institutions; while only one study           showed a similar advantage in for-profit hospitals. The only obstetric study, that of 1,642,002 patients in 241 hospitals showed a highly significant 9.5% increase in mortality rates for babies in for-profit hospitals.

    In another study the U.S. Health Care Financing Administration studied data on 3100 hospitals, adjusting for differing patient characteristics. Lower mortality rates were associated with teaching hospitals, a higher proportion of board-certified medical staff (specialist qualifications), a higher proportion of registered nurses and higher payroll expenses i.e. staffing levels. A higher mortality rate was associated with for profit and public (in Australian parlance state-owned) hospitals compared with not-for-profit hospitals .http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/?term=NEJMED++19

    The U.S. Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organisations and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services studied data submitted in 2004 to the American Hospitals Association on coronary occlusion, heart failure and pneumonia. Detailed statistical analysis showed that “for-profit hospitals consistently underperformed not- for-profit hospitals”. The conclusion reached was that “Patients are more likely to receive high quality care in not-for -profit hospitals and in hospitals with high registered nurse staffing ratios and more investment in technology”.http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/?term=landon+in+Arch

    Of several studies of specific conditions, one of the largest compared outcomes in for-profit and not-for-profit renal dialysis centres in the U.S http://jama.jamanetwork.com/article.aspx?articleid=195538. In a review based on 500,000 patient years from 1973 to 1997 in 1342 facilities, six of the eight studies showed a statistically significant increase in mortality in for-profit facilities, one only suggested the same and one suggested lower mortality in for- profit institutions. The authors conclude that “there are annually 2500 (with a plausible range of 1200-4000) excess deaths in U.S. for-profit centres”.

    Another study examined the evidence for performance differences between for-profit and not-for-profit psychiatric inpatient facilities since 1980. All but one of these

    studies found that not- for- profits performed as well as or better than the for-profit psychiatric organisations. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12556598

    In view of the Federal government’s push for cost savings through efficiency we should compare health care administration costs in the U.S. and Canada (http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMsa022033) .While the two countries share many social characteristics with excellent databases, their health care systems are quite different. Canada had a centrally funded health care system and a single payer – the government, while the U.S, .like Australia, had a multitude of health insurance systems with multiple payers. In 1999, health administration costs were at least   $1059 per head in the US compared with $307 per head in Canada. Thus, administration accounted for 31% of health care expenditure in the US but only 16.7% in Canada. In the 30 years to 1999 administration’s share of healthcare labour force expenditure went from18.2% to 27.3% in the US whereas in Canada it rose from 16.0% to 19.1%.

    Privatization also uses more doctor’s time. A recent study of treating doctors in the U.S. showed that they devote an average of one sixth of their time to administration; psychiatrists top the bill at 20% whereas paediatricians only spend 14%.http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25626223

    Only one study comparing Quality of Care issues in investor owned and not-for-profit Health Maintenance Organisations in the U.S. has been found. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10411197 Data from the National Committee for Quality Assurance’s Quality Compass on 329 HM0 plans showed that the 248 investor owned plans had lower scores for all the quality of care indices than the 81 not- for- profit plans.

    There is, however, one aspect of the U.S. studies relevant to Australia. A recurrent theme there is the association of better outcomes with medium and large size hospitals, and for procedures performed by experienced doctors with specialist qualifications.http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMsa0907130 http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMsa012337 http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMsa035205

    Whether there is significance in the fact that there are in NSW 380 public hospitals but more than 600private hospitals remains speculative.

    Overall, while the U.S. findings are relevant to the U.S,  their application to Australia is debatable; unfortunately we lack any data to indicate that the deplorable US system is replicated here. With the enormous and growing cost of Healthcare in Australia, surely the time has come to consider an analysis of the costs and patient benefits of the various healthcare systems in Australia , such as has been done in North America..

    Conjoint Professor John Duggan, School of Medicine and Public Health, University of Newcastle.

     

  • Peter Gibilisco. The standardisation of services for people with disabilities.

    WHAT IS MEANT BY EFFICIENCY IN THE PROVISION OF SERVICES FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES? IS IT JUST A COVER FOR GREATER STANDARDISATION? 

    The State Disability Plan is not the only endorsement of the need to emphasize the individualising of care for people with disabilities. We now hear of a profound development – person-centred planning is said to be the world-wide benchmarked best practice. This involves a highly individualised vision of the person with disabilities and the result is that care needs multiply into a kaleidoscopic variety of individually generated special needs and concerns.

    This attempt to generate a sensitive and compassionate approach nevertheless faces an ongoing dilemma. The costs associated with such an approach to provision of disability services continue to outstrip the services that can be provided by the pension. Moreover, the demands (and possibly the false needs as well) that are generated by this latest example of neo-liberal micro-reform of the “disability workplace”, has the effect of further transforming the already precarious environment for care-worker and the client.

    I continue to think about what happened at a recent meeting that was convened by my own “service provider” to discuss with us an increase in rent for residents.

    At this meeting, we were told of plans to sell the provider’s prime real estate in the Melbourne CBD. A question was asked about the way in which the provider was viewing this sale. The discussion seemed to be suggesting that the sale could assist the provider in overcoming its budget problems. That was why as a corporation it was considering divesting itself of one of its assets.

    So the suggestion was put to the provider that if the building in Flinders Street was being sold for budgetary purposes, a small amount of the profit from the sale could be used to help the pensioners among the residents overcome their budget problems that would accrue from an increase in the rent.

    After all, the service provider is keen to present itself to the community as an effective not-for-profit company, and so all of its profits are to be ploughed back into the community it is serving. And residents certainly wish to have their part in this community recognised. They are not merely rentiers; they are constitutive of the provider’s “community”.

    The assets held by the provider are retained by it to enable the provision of a service it is constituted to provide.

    I had assumed all this but those representing the provider’s main office did not seem to get these basic points. Do they understand what a not-for-profit service provider is? I asked myself. They gave the impression that the budgetary problems of the residents were completely different from the financial demands that are upon the provider as these are documented in the company’s official accounts.

    And of course, these budget stresses and strains are not exactly the same thing. We residents also have to be responsible for how we manage our finances and that in fact was why we had insisted upon having the conversation in the first place. But just because they are not the same thing, does not mean they are unrelated and their inter-dependence ignored. To dismiss the suggestion that the profits from the sale might be distributed in a way that helped ease the strain on the budgeting of residents, seemed to suggest that the provider’s budget issues are a completely different kind of responsibility to those residents have for their own finances. Moreover, the residents are part of a community comprising themselves and the workers at all levels.

    So I guess the result was somewhat inevitable. Disgruntled residents will be left wondering how the sale of this prime real estate shores up the company in a way that will enable top management to be paid at the level to which they have become accustomed. So where will the profits from this sale go? In ensuring the immediate “business prospects” of provider, the company will, I guess, reduce some of its current budget deficit. But at the same time, there is still unrequited budget pressure for residents due to rent increases.

    Let me change the topic slightly here and note how in these days of cut-throat public relations, the provider may be confusing the services it provides with replacing proper policy-development with slogans. Let me invent a possible slogan:

    ACE DISABILITY SERVICES – We are here to give independent and fulfilling lives to people with physical, intellectual and multiple disabilities. Lovely slogan isn’t it? But then reflect upon the efficiencies that are required in shared supported accommodation like my own. And now look carefully at that phrase: people with physical, intellectual and multiple disabilities. I am not criticizing the ethical intention; I am trying to draw attention to the inner organizational chaos that will result for workers and residents if a facility conflates physical and intellectual disabilities. And who can tell how care for those with “multiple disabilities” can emerge in the midst of such organizational blurring.

    There are many residents, perhaps an overwhelming majority of up to 80%, in supported accommodation with some form of intellectual disability. Therefore it can be expected that in shared support accommodation like the place where I reside, that a policy of taking on such high demand people will simply result in a standardization of disability care for many service providers. And don’t get me wrong. Such people are also my neighbours and deserve proper care. But by putting all disability together in one facility, even if there are different classifications on paper in a provider’s policy documents, there will be an inevitable drive toward standardized care and abstract efficiency, that may allow the provider to continue its “service provision” rather than actually looking to the individual care of people with disabilities.

    Quite seriously, this is what I fear will happen. Without a rediscovery of how residents are genuine members of the community that the service provider is maintaining, a policy will develop in favour of standardisation over the appropriately differentiated individual care needed for people with disabilities in shared supported accommodation.

    Service providers receive much money for the care of people with disabilities. These payments come in the form of funding, government payments, and donations from other for-profit companies and the general public. But among residents of such facilities in the disability sector the suspicion is deeply ingrained that these funds never seem to meet the need for which they were intended. And requiring service provision to be subject to a culture of competitive tendering processes means that what were once not-for-profit bodies are not driven by a non-charitable need to accumulate the accoutrements of “business success” coinciding it seems with the self-serving “need” to provide their own CEOs and senior management with wages or salaries or packages as if “management” is a sphere that floats high well above the reality of the people their company is supporting.

    Most people with disabilities are highly individual, not unlike the rest of humanity. And indeed it is from this individuality that life becomes extremely complex. So, when people with disabilities are recognised for their individuality and diverse needs then it becomes apparent what treatment they require. That then is the moment when due respect is needed.

    Recently, over the rents, we have witnessed a significant demise in the provider’s ethos; fairness has been jettisoned. This has been a harrowing experience for me. I am yet to feel that I have been treated according to the stated and published goals of the provider. And then when severe disability is added to the mix of this residence, I conclude that the appeals to standardization and the need to run an efficient enterprise are simply ridiculous.

    As a resident of the facility supported by this service provider, I am certainly NOT a ’customer’. This word and its usage has passed its “use-by date”. In this context ‘customer’ refers to a person who is vulnerable and inadequate. I am assured of my vulnerability; I quite literally feel it in my bones. But am I inadequate? That is what is being questioned in these efficiency policies? Does one have to be a celebrity like Stephen Hawking before one can qualify for non-stereotyping?

    Yes branding costs money, too. But it’s ok if the payoff of new logos is spent beneficially in not-for-profit service management, rather than in making more attractive packages for over the top management. It is surely the responsibility of any company’s management to ensure its good public image. But this is not merely a function of the sales of assets to wipe out a deficit. And appeal to a black ink entry on the bottom line of a company’s account books can always be heralded in way that diverts attention away from the inner organisation dysfunction, if not moral bankruptcy.

    Special thanks to Christina Irugalbandara,  Cunxia Li and Bruce Wearne.

    For some time now I have been discussing my deep concerns about the way my support facility is managed with Bruce Wearne who helps me by smoothing my English for publication. In this latest piece, the more we discussed the topic, the more it became obvious that my angle of vision was sharpened by Peter Sember whose encouragement has meant so much to me. He came along to the meeting I describe in this piece. He was the one who set the cat among the pigeons by asking the kinds of questions I now continue to ask in this article. Sadly, he died a short time after going out of his way for me on that occasion and I feel it a great honour to dedicate this article to his memory.

    Dr Peter Gibilisco, is Honorary Fellow, University of Melbourne. His new book is ‘The Politics of Disability’.

     

  • Why we don’t want private health insurance for primary care

    The worst possible outcome from the current review of Private Health Insurance would be changes that resulted in the best-resourced Primary Care being only available to those who have such insurance.

    (more…)

  • Sebastian Rosenberg. Mental health changes.

    Announcing the federal government’s response to the National Mental Health Commission’s review of mental health services today, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull emphasised the concept of patient choice.

    The commission’s review was the latest in a long line of reports showing that for many Australians needing mental health care, their current choice is between getting no care or getting poor care.

    The reforms announced today have the potential to change this appalling situation. But ultimately they should be judged on the outcomes they achieve for patients.

    Poor access to care

    Mental health is the third-biggest chronic disease in Australia behind cancer and heart disease, affecting 4-5 million people each year.

    Access rates to care are low. And once a person has seen their general practitioner or psychologist, if their condition deteriorates, they have few options but to seek care from their local hospital emergency department.

    Following deinstitutionalisation 30 years ago, which overturned the practice of sending people with severe mental illness to asylums, Australia largely failed to invest in a genuine system of community mental health care.

    The bar for entry into the state-run hospital system rose, so you must be sicker and sicker to qualify for care. Rates of access to state and territory mental health services have not changed in some years. Yet spending has increased by more than 50%.

    We are, in fact, over-reliant on hospitalisation and there is waste. An unpublished survey by state governments indicated that more than 40% of all hospital mental health beds were occupied by people who would be better off in other settings if there was anywhere to send them.

    Mental illness also has a colossal impact on productivity and economic participation. The OECD estimates the average overall cost of mental health to developed countries is about 4% of GDP. In Australia, this would equate to more than A$60 billion or about A$4,000 a year per individual taxpayer.

    Tailored responses

    The federal government’s announcements have the potential to address these problems by presenting two key structural changes.

    The first is the decision to use the new Primary Health Networks (PHNs) to keep people with mental health problems out of hospital, by building new, integrated and stepped approaches to primary and community mental health care. Under the Abbott government, PHNs replaced Medicare Locals. PHNs’ role is to both plan and commission (fund) primary and community care.

    This means having the capacity to respond to all the problems a person might have, including not just their mental illness, but drug and alcohol issues, physical problems, homelessness and other problems. It also means having a range of services available to match the intensity of the person’s needs.

    PHNs will be tasked with properly planning to meet the mental health needs of the regions they serve.

    Given the size of the PHNs, some may require multiple plans to ensure they understand and can respond to locals’ needs. One of the PHNs in Western Australia covers an area the size of much of Western Europe, so plans will need to cater for diversity within regions.

    The second key structural change offered under these reforms is to end the dependency on simplistic fee-based services. The government has recognised that just sending people off for a set number of psychology sessions is an inadequate response, particularly for people with more complex conditions.

    The suggestion is that people with less complex problems should access evidence-based mental health therapies and services online.

    For others, a continuation of the Better Access program, which subsidises ten sessions with a psychologist or psychiatrist, may be entirely suitable.

    For people with more complex problems, however, the government has flagged its intention to permit PHNs to cash out some of their Medicare Benefits Schedule payments into new pooled funding arrangements to meet locally identified needs. PHNs would have the capacity, for instance, to build further on successful programs such as headspace or the Mental Health Nurse Incentive Program.

    These reforms suggest that better understanding individual needs can lead the PHN to more intelligently plan individual responses, bringing together clinical care and social supports such as living skills, vocational training and education.

    Overcoming barriers

    The government’s changes to mental health are not without challenges. It’s unclear whether PHNs will be up to the job, and what support they need to make the scheme work.

    The changes don’t appear to be supported with any new funding, yet we know the mental health system is under-funded. Mental illness accounts for 13% of the burden of disease but receives only around 6% of the total health budget. It should be noted that the “cashing out” arrangements are uncapped, opening up the potential for new funding under Medicare.

    Most importantly, we need to ensure these changes marry up to commensurate reforms by the states and territories. The fifth national mental health planning process now underway has proven ineffective in joining up mental health approaches between governments. The Commonwealth has pledged new leadership and it is here that it is needed most.

    Finally, the Commonwealth must establish a new and robust approach to accountability. Regionalism cannot mean we let myriad programs start and go unevaluated. Instead we need strong and consistent approaches to data collection, providing real information about things that matter.

    Rather than reporting on bed numbers, these processes need to reveal the extent to which PHNs are actually working to help people with a mental illness stay out of hospital, recover from their illness, complete their education, resume employment, avoid homelessness and become healthy and productive members of the community. None of this information is currently available.

    Prime Minister Turnbull stated that these changes were about trying to make the most of Australia’s mental wealth and human capital. His goal is laudable. But the work starts now.

    Sebastian Rosenberg is Senior Lecturer, Brain and Mind Centre, University of Sydney. This article first appeared in The Conversation on 26 November, 2015.

  • John Thompson. The costly abolition of Medicare Locals

    Even when it had no clear policies or plans to replace them, the Abbott government seemed determined to undo many of the initiatives of the previous Labor government. This was certainly the case in relation to primary health care.

    In 2008, the then Labor government established the National Health and Hospital Reform Commission(link is external) (NHHRC) to conduct a comprehensive review of Australia’s health system. The review provided the basis for the National Health Reform Agreement (NHRA) signed by the Australian government and the states and territories in August 2011. The reforms set out in the NHRA had three main objectives:

    1. Reforming the fundamentals of our health and hospital system, including funding and governance, to provide a sustainable foundation for providing better services now and in the future.
    2. Changing the way health services are delivered, through better access to high quality integrated care designed around the needs of patients, and a greater focus on prevention, early intervention and the provision of care outside of hospitals.
    3. Providing better care and better access to services for patients, through increased investments to provide better hospitals, improved infrastructure, and more doctors and nurses.

    The establishment of 61 Medicare Locals across Australia was one of the key initiatives taken to address these objectives.These regional structures aimed to strengthen the primary care system (and thereby relieve pressure on hospitals and other acute providers) by integrating Commonwealth and state government health planning and service delivery and access.

    Medicare Locals were non-profit companies selected after a competitive application process and funded largely by the Commonwealth with $1.8 billion for the period 2011–12 to 2015–16. While the Commonwealth funding deed specified program schedules and reporting requirements, Medicare Locals were provided with considerable scope to arrange their structure, operations and relationships to reflect their local health environment.

    To provide this focus on primary care, Medicare Locals were required “to work with the full spectrum of general practice, allied health and community health care providers and improve access to care and drive integration between services.” They established collaboration with health care services and other community organisations in their region to develop strategies to meet the overall primary health care needs of their communities. Considerable effort was made to ensure that general practice had a central role in the work of Medicare Locals – with varying effectiveness.

    Medicare Locals worked at a regional level with state and local government in the planning of primary health care services and in the linking of these services with Local Hospital Networks and aged care programs to deliver improved integration and effective transitions for patients across the entire health care system.

    The Medicare Locals program was a contentious one, not just because it was a Labor government initiative, but many GPs saw it as a threat to their primacy in their local primary care market and saw the regional health planning activities of the Medicare Locals as an unnecessary additional layer of bureaucracy. This negative view was reinforced by the AMA, the doctors’ union, that lobbied the Coalition Opposition on the basis of the perceived threat to the GP small businesses. For this reason, the Coalition went to the 2013 election with a health policy that included brief mention of Medicare Locals as follows: “We will also review the Medicare Locals structure to ensure that funding is being spent as effectively as possible to support frontline services rather than administration.” However, the then Opposition Leader, Tony Abbott, made a promise that no Medicare Locals would be closed should the Coalition form government.

    About a month after coming into office, the new Minister for Health, Peter Dutton, announced a review(link is external) of Medicare Locals to be conducted by Professor John Horvath. The review was aimed at “reducing waste and spending on administration and bureaucracy, so that greater investment can be made in services that directly benefit patients and support health professionals who deliver those services to patients.” Comments from selected “stakeholders” were invited.

    Professor Horvath, previously Chief Medical Officer, was assisted in the review by two consulting firms: Ernst & Young provided advice on the current operations of Medicare Locals and future structure and governance options, and Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu (Deloitte), conducted an assessment of their financial performance and compliance to their Deed.

    The conduct of the review attracted substantial criticism, particularly for its lack of transparency. A Senate committee subsequently reported(link is external) that it had not been able to obtain much definitive information about the process and methodology used to conduct the review.

    More than 270 submissions were received, indicating a high level of interest in the review, but none was made available by the Department of Health or as supporting documents with the review as is the usual case. Horvath advised that he “personally conducted” interviews with key stakeholders but did not identify who they were. A small number of Medicare Locals were asked for input to the review but were restricted in the amount of information they could provide.

    It is understood that the Deloitte audit involved what the Department of Health called “a basic review” of the 2012–13 operations of the Medicare Locals functioning at that time, with a more considered audit of six of the 61 Medicare Locals. As most Medicare Locals had only just begun operating (setting up structures, employing staff, developing IT systems, etc.), it is not surprising that their audited financial and other achievements were not substantial, and the auditors were not interested in the future plans of the Medicare Locals.

    The review was completed in March 2014 and was highly critical of the performance of the Medicare Locals. Itrecommended(link is external) that the recently established Medicare Local system (one third of the Medicare Locals were only established as from July 2012) be replaced with a system comprising a smaller number of regional organisations called Primary Health Organisations.

    The Senate committee referred to above reported: “With limited information available publicly, and no detailed discussion of methodology in the Review report, it is difficult to understand the Review’s recommendations. Similarly, without the transparency that would have been achieved by the publication of the consultancy reports and the 270 submissions, the Review’s assertions that the Medicare Locals are ‘flawed’ cannot be tested.” The Senate Committee also stated that it could not reconcile the positive evidence it heard of the progress and achievements of Medicare Locals with the highly critical and negative findings of Horvath’s review of the work of the Medicare Locals.

    Notwithstandinga clear public statement by Tony Abbott that no Medicare Locals would be closed should the Coalition form government, when his government brought down the 2014-15 Budget in May 2014 it was announced that all Medicare Locals would cease operation on 30 June 2015 and a new network of Primary Health Networks(link is external) (PHNs) would be established.

    There have been substantial costs incurred in the closure of the 61newly established Medicare Locals, both financial and in terms of disruption or termination of valuable health services. In a relatively short time, boards had been established, staff had been recruited, premises and operating resources were acquired, relationships and collaborations established with local health organisations, and services and programs initiated. On the basis of government commitments, the Medicare Locals had entered into contracts, leases and employment obligations.

    The costs of winding up the Medicare Locals have been estimated at between $112 million to $200 million. The Health Department admitted that closing Medicare Locals would cost $112 million but refused a Freedom of Information request for details of this estimate claiming it would not be in the public interest to release these figures because it could jeopardise “its good relationship with Medicare Locals.” However, many Medicare Locals showed no reluctance to publicly announce their wind up costs at the Senate Committee hearing. The Barwon Medicare Local estimated their costs at $2 million; the North Adelaide Medicare Local’s estimated costs were $2.2 million.

    Skilled, and often very scarce, staff were lost as they became aware of the uncertainty of their future employment. These staff losses were felt most keenly in non-metropolitan areas where health workers are often difficult to find.

    Perhaps more crucially, many highly needed health services that had been recently begun were terminated.Although in their early stage of operation, Medicare Locals had established or funded a range of vital services, made important advances in population health, identified and filled key gaps in services, and begun the critical task of integrating primary care with hospital services. This momentum was lost and many communities lost the gains made. Furthermore, key health staff were lost, a particularly important factor in rural and remote areas.

    The Department of Health then announced that the new PHNs would be selected on the basis of a public tender process so that the new organisations could begin operations on 1 July 2015. This tender process was very poorly managed by the Department.

    The notice of tender for the PHN Program was issued on 28 November 2014, almost a month after the previously advised scheduled release date. The tender period was very short and conducted over the Christmas–New Year period with tenders to be submitted by 28 January 2015.This was an absurdly short time for major organisational relationships to be established and business structures and financial decisions to be made, particularly as the minister encouraged new private sector interests to participate.

    Although broad guidelines were provided to potential tenderers at the start of the process, major decisions and criteria such as the geographic boundaries of the proposed PHNs were drip fed to interested tenderers as the tenders were being prepared.

    State government officials advised that there was very little consultation with the key state health agencies to recognise and capitalise on existing health planning and coordination bodies.

    Information meetings for prospective tenderers were conducted in each state by Department of Health officials but the information provided was no more than that which already available on the Department’s website. The Department even refused to provide notes of the meetings or lists of attendees (which would have been of assistance to facilitate collaboration in the preparation of tenders).

    Horvarth’s review criticised Medicare Locals for focussing too much on service delivery, not entirely coincidentally a concern of GPs and other providers. His report recommended that PHNs “should only provide services where there is demonstrable market failure, significant economies of scale or absence of services”. However, he did not define “market failure” and the Department clearly had difficulty in providing potential tenderers any reasonable clarity on this matter. This certainly made the preparation of submissions very difficult, especially for tenderers in rural and regional areas where Medicare Locals had provided services to meet significant gaps in services.

    In summary, the tender process was very deficient. The Senate Committee noted the confusion surrounding the tender process and considered “flaws in the government’s PHN tender process raises doubts regarding any outcome of the tender process.”

    It is not surprising that about this time a poll of more than 1100 doctors across Australia conducted by the AMA declared the Minister for Health, Peter Dutton MP, the worst Minister for Health for 35 years.

    In April 2015 the Commonwealth government announced that 31 PHNs would be funded as from 1 July 2015. They would be required to establish Clinical Councils involving GPs, and Consumer Advisory Committees. Announcing the successful bidders, the Minister of Health, Sussan Ley, said the new PHNs would replace “Labor’s flawed Medicare Local system,” yet almost all PHNs selected (24 of the 28 PHNs) are either consortia of former Medicare Locals or have a Medicare Local as the lead applicant.

    The new PHNs will be responsible for populations and geographic areas that are much larger than those of the Medicare Locals. (For example, one PHN will now be responsible for all of Western Australia except the Perth metropolitan area.) Medicare Locals had an average population of 355,000; PHNs will service an average population of 738,000. Six PHNs will service populations of more than one million. Many health experts doubt the effectiveness and efficiency of such very large organisations, citing the failure of the NSW government’s establishment of mega health services.

    The substantial costs of establishing these new organisations are not known and it will be interesting to discover their operating costs when their first financial reports are made.

    The concerns of the Senate Committee that the inadequate Horvarth review and the Department’s inept tender process could lead to a poor result appear to be justified. Now, several months after the PHNs were formally established, there has been little progress in developing any useful operations. Many in the health system are of the view that the whole exercise is a very expensive ideological move that, despite very substantial financial resources and lengthy disruption and dislocation, may not achieve the results that the fledgling Medicare Locals were beginning to realise.

    John Thompson is an economist with experience in primary health. This article was first published in Australian Policy Online on 23 November 2015.

  • An Open Letter to the Minister for Health concerning Private Health Insurance.

    19 November 2015 

    Hon Sussan Ley M.P.,
    Minister for Health,
    Parliament House,
    ACT 2600

    Dear Minister

    (I have signed this letter on my behalf and also on behalf of the people listed below. I will be posting this ‘open letter’ on my blog early next week.)

    We are pleased to see that you are canvassing community and expert views on private health insurance.

    In discussing the community survey, recently on the ABC Breakfast Program, you said “We support the public system for those who can’t afford private health”.

    That is a long way from the idea of universal mutual support that has underpinned Medicare and public hospital arrangements. It assumes, incorrectly, that private health insurance, and the associated subsidised access to private hospitals, is something Australians see as desirable if only they could afford it.

    As you know, about half of Australians do not hold private health insurance. Many are driven to hold it by the Medicare Levy Surcharge – a coercive instrument that has little to do with choice. You would also be aware that 200 000 taxpayers pay the surcharge, rather than holding private insurance, even though almost all of them would be financially better off taking the cheapest hospital cover.

    For many, the main attraction of public hospitals is not that they are “free”, but rather that they offer a high standard of care. Most importantly the funding system for public hospitals, unlike the funding for private hospitals, does not carry an incentive for over-servicing. There is growing community awareness of the risks of over-diagnosis and of over-servicing.

    Some others, particularly older wealthy people whose income is below the MLS threshold, do the sums and work out that their best bet is to draw on their savings to finance any needed private hospitalisation, secure in the knowledge that if they need acute care they are served by public hospitals. In doing this they miss out on the subsidies, the benefits of which are go to pay for high administrative costs and the cross-subsidies associated with adverse selection. Thanks in part to superannuation, households with people in the 65-74 age range, have on average $500 000 in financial assets.

    It is ironic that, in spite of your Party’s commitment to self-reliance, those who pay for their own private hospitalisation, or who pay their own dental bills, receive no support, while those who hand over responsibility to insurance corporations receive a 30 per cent subsidy or a generous tax incentive in the form of exemption from the MLS.

    Then there are those community-minded people who value the idea of sharing their health care expenses with other Australians. They are morally repulsed by the idea of being corralled into the “gated community” of private health insurance. Also some people, aware of the way “charity” systems inevitably degenerate, see it as important that people with means who hold political influence have a stake in using and maintaining a high standard public hospital system.

    You, and your fellow health ministers in the states and territories, fund and operate an excellent public hospital system. We hope you take pride in a public service that serves all Australians so well, and do not let it degenerate into a charity system.  A way to prevent such degeneration would be to remove private hospitals’ de facto dependence on private insurance, and to bring them into the same funding arrangements as public hospitals, thus allowing them to provide the same high-standard of integrated care as public hospitals, allowing for remuneration models other than individual fee-for-service, and abolishing any suggestion that Australia has two health care systems – one for the affluent and one for those who are less fortunate.

    Yours sincerely,

    John Menadue

    Kerry Goulston, Emeritus Professor, Medicine, USyd
    Ian McAuley, Adjunct Lecturer, Canberra University
    Jennifer Doggett, Health Consultant,
    Stephen Leeder, Emeritus Professor of Public Health and Community Medicine, USyd.
    Karen Willis, Associate Dean, Learning & Teaching, Faculty of Health Sciences, ACU
    Arthur Chesterfield-Evans, Medical Practitioner and anti-tobacco activist
    Sebastian Rosenberg, Senior Lecturer, Brain and Mind Centre, USYD
    Jill White, Professor of Nursing and Midwifery, USYD
    John Dwyer, Emeritus Professor of Medicine, UNSW
    Fiona Armstrong, Executive Director, Climate and Health Alliance
    Tony McBride, President, Australian Health Care Reform Alliance
    Tim Woodruff, Vice President, Doctors’ Reform Society

  • Lesley Russell   Too high: the impact of specialists’ fees on patients’ health

    In today’s health care debates around the centrality of primary care, moving towards patient-centred medical homes, improving care coordination for people with chronic illnesses and whether private health insurance provides value for money, there is one element that is almost always missing – the role and the costs of specialist services.

    In 2014 over 28 million specialist services were billed to Medicare and 21 million of these were for out-of-hospital services. Only 30% of these services were bulk billed, and the average out-of-pocket cost for the remaining 70% of services was $70.89. However gaps of several hundred dollars are not uncommon.

    Specialist fees are the main driver of Medicare out-of-pocket costs and the main reason why people access the various Medicare safety nets (Extended Medicare Safety Net, the Original Medicare Safety Net and the Greatest Permissible Gap measure).

    The Government has moved to make changes to the Medicare safety nets in the name of ‘simplification’ and the Health Insurance Amendment (Safety Net) Bill 2015 is currently before the Senate where it has been sent to the Community Affairs Committee for review.

    Reforms to the Medicare safety nets are long overdue. There is considerable evidence that the current arrangements are inequitable, do not benefit those with the greatest need, and continue to be inflationary, despite legislative tweeks. This has led to increasing economic pressures on patients from their out-of-pocket costs with consequences for their health outcomes and quality of life. There are also pressures on hospital budgets from preventable admissions that can result when patients skip specialist appointments and fail to comply with treatment regimes because of cost.

    As federal parliament considers the new safety net legislation, it is crucial to ensure that this does not have the unintended consequences that were inherent in the Extended Medicare Safety Net (EMSN). One such consequence was that the EMSN actually increased the ability of specialists to charge higher fees, particularly in areas such as obstetrics and assisted-reproductive technology services. In 2009 it was estimated that for every dollar the government spent on the safety net, only 57 cents went towards reducing patients’ costs and the remainder went towards increased doctor fees.

    Preventing such problems will require an informed study of the impact of specialist fees and how specialists are likely to respond to efforts to limit reimbursements to patients of fees that are in excess of the Medicare Benefits Schedule (MBS). As it stands there is very little publicly available information in this area. Considerable work was done on a relative value study in the 1990s (regrettably with no outcomes) and the specialist medical colleges presumably have data from their members, but the Department of Health has shown no inclination to analyse their data or to make it available to academic centres for such work.

    Medicare data for the June quarter 2015 show the following:

    • The average bilk billing rate for specialists (for services in and out of hospital) is 30.2% although this varies dramatically by speciality.
    • The average fee observance for out of hospital services is slightly higher at 43.4%.
    • The average patient contribution for services that are provided out of hospital and are not bulk billed is $70.89. This varies considerably by state and territory – it is lowest in South Australia ($53.94) and highest in the Northern Territory ($89.38).

    Over the past decade there have been some interesting changes in these figures that tell a story of policy and community pressures and influences.

    Although the average bulk billing rate for specialist services delivered out of hospital has barely changed, the average out-of-pocket cost has more than doubled (from $32.66 to $70.89). For individual specialties there have been some dramatic changes. For example, the bulk billing rate for obstetrics, currently 51.5%, was only 21.8% in the June quarter of 2005. We can assume that the increase in bulk billing is due to the increases in Medicare reimbursements that were made as part of an effort to tackling the inappropriate use of the ESMN. But the bad news is that those obstetricians who don’t bulk bill have continued to increase their fees and the patient’s average contribution has risen from $51.75 in 2005 to $247.79 today. Moreover, my previous work on Medicare obstetric costs highlights that when loophole is closed, obstetricians look to shift their costs around between capped and uncapped and outpatient and inpatient billing items.

    Specialists who work in radiotherapy and nuclear medicine have also changed their billing behaviours over the past decade. While bulk billing rates have increased impressively from 13.3% in 2005 to 68.5 % in June 2015, presumably in response to government agreements and legislation, average out-of-pocket costs for patients who are not bulk billed have more than doubled, from $16.33 to $38.74.

    It’s important to think what the growing costs to see a specialist mean for patients such as older Australian with multiple chronic illnesses. A recent study shows 27% of older Australian reported having at least three chronic diseases, with high blood pressure, arthritis and cancer as the most prevalent diseases. Such patients may have a very competent bulk-billing GP coordinating their care, but in addition to the cost of specialist consultations there will be costs for diagnostic tests and monitoring, prescription medicines, over-the-counter medicines, and supplies for conditions such as diabetes, colostomies and incontinence.

    National Seniors Australia found that older Australians with five or more chronic conditions spend $3528 per year on out-of-pocket health care costs. Small wonder then that approximately 10% of adults referred to a specialist delay or do not keep their appointment because of cost. This proportion rises to over 12% in the most socioeconomically disadvantaged fifth of the population. The current freeze on Medicare rebates to doctors will only aggravate the growth in gap fees. The gap between what Medicare pays and the AMA-recommended fee for MBS item 104 (initial referral to a specialist) is now $97.72; the new safety net will ignore $40 of this.

    There are no Medicare incentives to encourage specialists to bulk bill. Because poorer Australians can’t afford to pay the gap fees to reach the safety net thresholds, less than 4% of EMSN benefits go to the most socioeconomically disadvantaged 20% of the population while over 50% of benefits go to the most advantaged 20% of Australians. This exemplifies the inverse care law – and poor public policy – as it is the poor who are most likely to suffer ill health, who have the lowest discretionary income, and who are most in need of protection from out-of-pocket costs.

    The government’s “simplification” of safety net arrangements, eliminates the confusion of multiple Medicare safety nets and caps on reimbursement for selected items and ostensibly will make it easier for people to qualify for support if they have high out-of-pocket expenses. But this comes at a cost for patients – the new safety net actually provides patients with less financial protection against high out-of-pocket costs – and a saving for government.

    It is estimated that new threshold levels will mean an additional 60,000 people will qualify each year for the Medicare safety net. The big question is whether the reforms will lead to a change in the type of people who qualify for safety net benefits and that is not easily answered. In testimony to the Senate Community Affairs Committee, Dr Kees Van Gool indicated that the answer depends on how many concession card families experience annual costs between $400 and $638 how many general families have out-of-pocket costs between $1,000 and $2,000 because these are the people who stand to benefit under the new arrangements. However he noted that concession card status is a poor proxy for household income. Capping the amount of out-of-pocket costs that contribute to the safety net threshold will have further implications for how many and what type of families qualify for the new benefits.

    This reform may invoke a number of behavioural changes by both doctors and patients seeking to derive maximum benefits from the safety net. There are clearly greater incentives for patients to seek out doctors who charge less than 150% of the MBS fee and this, in turn, may invoke price competition amongst doctors. Doctors may act to redistribute their fees across an episode of are, as obstetricians have done, or increase the volume of services they offer. The Minister for Health has indicated that she wants to prevent the inappropriate provision of complicated medical services outside of hospitals, although it is not clear how the safety net legislation will address this.

    In an era of budget restraint, what can be done to address the impact of rising specialists’ fees on the federal and individuals’ budgets in ways that do not undermine the business needs of the medical profession? In a paper written earlier this year, Jennifer Doggett and I proposed greater transparency around specialists’ outpatient fees and the out-of-pocket costs to the patient. This approach was also put forward by Dr van Gool in his testimony to the Senate Community Affairs Committee.

    Anecdotal evidence indicates a wide range of fees charged, with some specialists charging dramatically more than the Australian Medical Association recommended fee (which is itself higher than the MBS reimbursement). However there is no evidence that specialists charging the highest fees deliver the best outcomes and patients and referring GPs might make different choices about specialist care if they knew the costs involved. At the very least the major outliers should be named and shamed. It is also important that consumers are provided with comprehensive information about their health care choices and are made aware of options, such as public outpatient clinics, where they can receive specialist services at no (or lower) cost.

    There has been some support for this approach from the medical profession, perhaps driven to action by the fact that a few greedy colleagues are making life difficult for those doctors who bulk bill or have only a small gap fee. In July 2014, the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons spoke out against excessive fees, saying that the College “is highly concerned at the amount of reported out-of-pocket costs being incurred by patients in the health-care sector“ and further stating that the College “believes that extortionate fees, where they are manifestly excessive and bear little if any relationship to utilisation of skills, time or resources, are exploitative and unethical. As such, they are in breach of the College’s Code of Conduct and will be dealt with by the College”.

    An information sheet on the College website strongly supports full disclosure and transparency of fees as early as possible in the patient-doctor relationship, advocates that patients understand all available treatment options, and encourages concerned patients to seek second opinions on recommended treatments and the fees to be charged.

    Just recently, the Urological Society of Australia and New Zealand has been prompted by a study showing that out-of-pocket costs for prostate cancer can be in excess of $30,000 (this includes not just specialists fees but private hospital services, medicines and other costs) to talk to its members about the perils of extortionist fees and of not telling men about public health options for treatment.

    Most importantly, the issue of out-of-pocket costs for patients and the impact these have on health outcomes and costs elsewhere in the health care system and the federal budget needs to be addressed across a range of issues currently under consideration – not just Medicare safety nets, but the Medicare Benefits Schedule review, the mental health and primary care reforms, and welfare supports. Many people will predictably always have trouble meeting their health care costs, and the solutions will not always lie within the purview of the Health portfolio.

    There are branches within the Department of Health that deal with the medical profession, the pharmaceutical industry, and private health insurers; it’s time for a branch with specific responsibilities for consumers’ and patients’ needs. It’s an important part of the effective, efficient and equitable delivery of health care services.

    Dr Lesley Russell is an Adjunct Associate Professor at the Menzies Centre for Health Policy, University of Sydney.

     

     

  • John Dwyer. Wasting precious health dollars.

     

    In the last eighteen months our coalition government has repeatedly warned that the rate at which we are increasing health related expenditure is unsustainable. The attempt to extract a co-payment from Australians visiting their GP was justified using this concern. However it is the better use of the currently available health dollars that should be given priority rather than asking Australians pay more for a health system that no longer adequately meets contemporary need. It is true that a considerable amount of the cost ineffective expenditure on health is generated by members of my profession with low value and sometimes no value tests and procedures wasting at least 10 billion dollar a year. While there are vested interests hampering necessary reforms, progress is being made as critical pathways, generated from the best available evidence by independent and expert clinicians, are developed centrally for application locally. The Institute for Clinical Excellence in NSW is one organisation facilitating this type of reform which should improve the standardization of evidence based clinical decision making.

    Looking more broadly at the inefficient use of precious health dollars we could discuss the 600,000 or so avoidable and expensive admissions to public hospitals each year and the billions of dollars wasted as 24 million people are served by nine Departments of Health. However there are two other examples of cost ineffective expenditure that are in the news and worthy of further comment; the Private Health Insurance rebate and the subsidy tax-payers pay to the private heath industry as they pay for a raft of useless pseudo-scientific modalities. Both of these have been addressed recently and unsatisfactorily by health minister Sussan Lay.

    Interviewed on the 7.30 report Minister Lay defended the need for government to use six billion dollars of our money to reduce the cost of Private Health Insurance claiming it was needed to relieve the pressure on the demand for public hospital services. She has no doubt been told and believes that this is so. It is not.

    The Howard government introduced the taxpayer-funded rebate at a time when private health insurance rates were falling. In the ensuing twelve months private health insurance rates increased by only 2% and there was an almost negligible decrease in admission to public hospitals. After that year there was no noticeable effect even though additional strategies did significantly increase the uptake of private insurance. Making insurance more expensive as one aged and demanding a significant levy be paid by wealthier Australians who did not have private insurance, did have the desired effect on participation rates but not on helping public hospitals.

    Private and public hospitals operate in different health care universes. Both by and large offer excellent services but one has a fixed budget and an average annual increase of 3% in the demand for admission that is fiscally intolerable. The other makes more money when more patients are admitted. More than 70 % of the patients in public hospitals have serious and often chronic medical conditions while more than 70% of patients seeking private hospital care need day only procedures or surgery. As cash strapped public hospitals were forced to close beds without being able to escape the demands from sick medical patients, elective surgery became increasingly difficult to deliver in a reliable and timely matter and much surgery (and the surgeons needed for that surgery) moved to the private sector.

    Had the six billion dollars worth of subsidies been available to public hospitals many could have continued to offer more of the surgery required by patients who reluctantly paid for private insurance to get their operations in a timely manner. With the public sector increasingly unable to compete, volume wise, with the private sector surgical fees have skyrocketed contributing significantly to the 29 billion dollars of out-of-pocket expenses Australians fork out each year for their health care.

    A number of health insurers, responding, they say, to consumer demand, will pay for treatment from a range of “Alternative” practitioners. The Labor government concerned, at the growth in such payments, asked the Chief Health Officer and the NH&MRC to examine some 18 modalities to see if there was “credible scientific evidence for their clinical effectiveness”. The committee assembled looked at practices such as Iridology, Reflexology, Homeopathy, Reiki etc. and reported to the current government that there was no evidence that any of them offered clinical benefit. The government was urged to stop public subsidies for these pseudo-sciences and, in so doing send a message to the public emphasising the need to enquire about the evidence base for any care they receive. The report is “lying on the Minister’s table”. For decades I have been depressed by the influence the “Alternative” industry has on governments so I was not that surprised at the response when, at her Press Club presentation, reporter Sue Dunleavy asked her the following question.

    “Every year health insurers are paying $180 million for natural therapies for which there is no evidence,” she said.

    “You already have the review of the worth of those therapies conducted by the chief medical officer on your desk.

    Can you tell us what that report said and what you are doing about it?”

    The nonsensical and depressing response was “…the issue of complementary therapies is an issue of great interest to Australian patients and certainly to private health insurers and those concerns about the budgetary implications of which you speak.

    But I don’t propose to take any piece in isolation out of the complex mix of interests, stakeholders (for want of a better word) and, of course patients and taxpayers, when we look at the important issue of private health insurance.

    To pick up one report commissioned by a previous government (not that necessarily has to be an issue in itself) and make it something that this government has to respond to almost at the micro level, without regard to the intersecting policies issues and interests, I don’t believe is sensible public policy.”

    Many contributors to “Pearls and Irritations” have noted that for a cost effective sustainable health system providing better health care, we, as is the case in much of the developed world, must invest in Primary care that emphasises prevention, in house team management of chronic diseases and the ability to care for many in the community currently sent to hospital. Quality hospital care is totally dependent on our reducing the need for so much hospital care. The currently wasted dollars, if applied to fund needed reforms could provide us with the excellence we need without increasing the % of GDP we spend on health. Such reforms should be a major issue for the coming election.

     

     

  • Thanks to Jake Bailey and Christchurch Boys High School.

    Just one week before his final school assembly, Christchurch Boys High School’s Head Boy, Jake Bailey, was told that he may not have long to live.

    The 18 year old NZ student was bed-ridden and absent from school for three weeks while undergoing treatment for aggressive cancer.

    But during his final school prize-giving ceremony he managed to give an inspirational speech from his wheelchair.

    “None of us get out of life alive, so be gallant, be great, be gracious and be grateful for the opportunities you have” Jake told his audience.

    The school listened in silence as he told of his diagnosis with Burkitts non-Hodgkinson lymphoma, one of the fastest growing tumours.

    See link from The New Daily to story and video of speech below:

     

    http://thenewdaily.com.au/news/2015/11/09/dying-school-captain-speech/?utm_source=SilverpopMailing&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=20151110%20The%20New%20Daily%20final%20(3)&utm_content=&spMailingID=23943738&spUserID=MTAyODk0Mjg4NDUzS0&spJobID=680889348&spReportId=NjgwODM2MjY0S0

  • Ian Marsh. Will privatised schools and hospital drive public sector efficiency?

    One of the first substantive announcements of Treasurer Scott Morrison concerned the privatisation of schools, hospitals and community services that are provided by State governments. He enthusiastically endorsed this 2012 Commission of Audit recommendation: ‘Given the size of the human services sector (which is set to increase further as Australia’s population ages), even small improvements will have profound impacts on people’s standard of living and quality of life.’ Morrison pointed to the greater efficiency and effectiveness that a competitive regime can deliver. There is no doubt that market mediated competition can drive performance. The private sector provides daily evidence of this.

    But the notion that these approaches can be readily transferred to public services like schools and hospitals and social services cries out for deconstruction. For a start schools, hospitals and social agencies serve many purposes that cannot be easily captured in a unified price measure. How are these more subtle and variegated outcomes, which can vary hugely between individuals and between places, to be incorporated in a contract design? No easy challenge in itself. For reasons the Harper review acknowledges, it is fanciful to imagine that consumer choice can be generally instituted. In it absence, who are the omniscient, all-knowing central agents who will define the precise outcomes that contracted services should deliver? Even assuming this is possible, in practice accountability systems that recognise these wider concerns increase the likelihood of micro-management. And then the alleged benefits of privatised or contract-based settings rapidly evaporate. Innovation or continuous improvement is stillborn. Transaction costs escalate.

    Is there an alternative to these dysfunctions? One approach might be to build on private sector practices that directly lead on to service or process innovation. Think of the Toyota just-in-time production system. Toyota deliberately jettisoned end-of-line capacities to repair or correct faults. It deliberately limited back up component reserves in case of supply chain hiccups. Production was stopped by every fault or flaw. But each of these stoppages became a key source of data in Toyota’s never ending quest for improved efficiency. This covered both the immediate production process as well as the wider system in which it nested. Unlike the aggregated information or ‘strong’ signal that is embodied in price data, this approach focused on the ‘weak’ signals that were critical to continuous improvement.

    Prices embody the outcomes of a multitude of these weak signals. Note Toyota’s rise to become the major global car company. This was an immediate consequence of the visible hand of management practice – only distantly that of the invisible hand of market forces.

    Or note the consistent stellar performance of the Finnish education system. Not one single school is privatised. Instead there is a deliberate focus on identifying obstacles to student performance at an individual level and from an early age. The system deploys more special education teachers than any comparable country. These work with mainline teachers and parents to identify under-performing or troubled children. They focus on these early ‘weak’ signals and initiate immediate remedial action. Approximately one third of the pupils in Finnish schools receive extra support in special education classes.

    So markets and contracting by all means. But if they are to work the invisible hand of the market need to be supplemented by the visible hand of ‘weak’ signals. These are the building blocks of continuous improvement. Of course the challenge to identify pertinent weak signals varies widely. The relevant indicators are not the same in routine or highly specialised surgery or in Accident and Emergency or routine hospital care.

    Translated to a contracting system, how can this be achieved? In principle the answer is simple. Contractors need to report not just on the outcomes that they believe they can achieve but also the means that they propose to use to achieve them. Then they need to be held to account for both outcomes and means. A central authority then needs to manage accountability and learning about these means. Its role is to learn and then to share this information amongst providers.

    The core ethos of such a system is learning about means as well as outcomes. Its unit of exchange is the means used by different providers who are working towards broadly similar ends. But these exchanges will typically not involve anything that could be described as ‘best practice’. Most service settings are too contextualised to allow codified or standardised service designs to be developed. Service decisions need to take into account the circumstances and needs of an individual person or a specific place. In a technical sense decisions are ‘transaction intensive’ – prioritising the needs of individuals or places and mostly blending the technical skills and the empathic judgements of practitioners. Thus a teacher must respond to the circumstances of her students, a doctor to the needs of her patients. In both instances, the hardest cases can provide the richest source of systemic learning.

    Indeed where services can be codified and standardised price mediated exchange will be a sufficient driver of performance. Where the latter is not possible, price mediated exchange will not by itself drive performance. Unless contracts or other systemic arrangements also disseminate learning about means, rhetorical promises of efficiency and continuous improvement will be misleading, indeed chimerical.

    In a justly celebrated book, The Visible Hand, the distinguished Harvard economic historian, Alfred Chandler, showed the extent to which business efficiency in the United States was the product of superior management not in the first instance price mediated exchange. In seeking efficiency and continuous improvement in the much more complex world of hospitals, schools and community services this visible hand is even more critical.

    Over the past thirty years, the discipline of economics has been a fertile source of models and frameworks for the redesign of government and of public services. But as more complex, transaction intensive services (‘wicked’ problems) have come increasingly to be the focus of attention, the limitations of price mediated exchanges need to be acknowledged. This is not the royal road to innovation and continuous improvement. Pace the Harper Review, the design of a functional innovation system is a more complex and more demanding challenge.

    Ian Marsh is a visiting professor at the University of Technology Sydney’s management school.

  • Peter Gibilisco. Friendship and Service Provision Ethos for People with Disabilities

    In this article I want to discuss an aspect of the standardised procedures set by service providers in facilities that serve people with disabilities. More to the point, I am keen to explore how this affects the ethos of service delivery for people with severe or profound physical disabilities within such shared supportive accommodation.

    Let me be utterly frank. The ethos of service delivery, in this house where I live, has lacked key attributes that are necessary for caring for people with disabilities. Admittedly, I have sought to draw attention to this deficit by a constant effort to raise awareness. And an organisation’s ethos takes time to change. Nevertheless, the jury is still out with respect to whether we are experiencing a positive change. I am concerned that the friendships that I have made with support staff be respected by a form of management that recognises the benefits that arise from the personal synergies that arise from the work done.

    There is a simple need of enjoying life as an individual, in a way that is like the individual aspects of dignity that are part and parcel of the much proclaimed “freedom of choice.” I want to ask: has the “right to choose” become a ploy of many service providers? The principle is conveniently displayed in marketing and other public relations material. But is it all a matter of staying on the politically right side of the Government and public opinion?  After all, it can be argued by many living in such supportive accommodation that the self-interest of top management has been placed well beyond the reach of the people with disabilities that these facilities are established to serve. But Personal Care Attendants (PCA) are not just an abstract function;  they are people just like the people they are employed to serve.

    This state of affairs is why I am taking the opportunity of writing this article. Our friendships with PCAs need to be defended. I am a little fired up although I guess some who know me will think that is rather strange. It is true: I cannot wave my arms around and bang my fist on the table. But I am just a little concerned that the message I have been putting for many years gets through. This is serious.

    I am a severely physically disabled person with Friedreich’s Ataxia, who presently lives in shared supported accommodation. This place can fail to administer appropriate assessment of my specialist medical and social needs, one of which is human companionship. This place needs to function in ways that allow the clients with disabilities to solve individual problems pertaining to their own problems even if the house is managed under the protocols of a service provider. And the workers should be respected as our friends.

    I am quite sure that those managing this place were not expecting me, and I too never expected to be here. But even though we have to make the most of this unfortunate state of affairs, it is not going to prevent me from saying what needs to be said.

    The service provider has a real problem. Rather than looking to a set of policies that emphasise procedures that are formed individually with the needs of the person front and centre, they seem to be stuck with operating in a standardised way that at the same time keeps the self-interest of top management of service providers out of sight, and makes continuity with workers difficult.

    The standardised procedures simply do not provide adequate support. Even if the standardised approach qualifies as “best practice” under some managerial criteria we, and our day-to-day relationships that sustain us, are simply too complex for an abstract modus operandi.

    As a matter of fact, I am not a person with a cognitive, behavioural or developmental disability. I do not take kindly to being treated like one, as I am also sure many people with intellectual disabilities do not take kindly to being treated like a semi-paralyzed person who has to live in a wheelchair. Mistreatment that ignores a person’s humanity, violates the person’s right to be given due respect.

    My complaint also has to do with the ethos of the place I live in. Let me tell you what I experience all too often. My friendships with my support workers are unfairly reduced in a variety of ways by the presumptions of management that fail to respect what is going on. Support workers are the first faces we see in the morning and last faces we see at night. It is as if our friendships are simply not part of the implementation of policy. I suspect that this kind of managerial presumption of the disposability of friendship is alive and well elsewhere in social welfare delivery. But I am keen to preserve the friendships that keep me going, even as I find my body slowing down.

    I am also not wanting to identify any individual manager – there are some I have come across who come to mind that possibly should be exposed for their blindness and self-interest, but I will restrain myself.

    My aim here is to suggest some sustained soul searching among those managing service provision for people with disabilities.

    I’m writing this against the background of a service delivery context that is simply not good enough.

    Dr Peter Gibilisco was assisted by Dr Bruce Wearne in the preparation of this article.

    Special thanks to Cunxia Li, Patrick Wleh and Christina Irugalbandara.

  • Michael Keating. The role of government in policy renewal.

    In thanking Ross Gittins for launching ‘Freedom, Opportunity and Security’, Mike Keating explains the reasons why he and I decided to launch this series, first online and now in a book. Mike Keating’s book launch notes follow. I will also be posting Ross Gittins’ comments. John Menadue.

    Thank you Ross Gittins and thanks to you all for coming

    Why we embarked on this project

    • Concern about the poor quality of public debate on many public issues
    • The failure of political leadership to change that situation, or even be willing to try

    Instead we think there is a role for public conversation in developing and prosecuting a genuine reform agenda

    • History of past reforms is a long gestation period, with expert opinion often playing a key role in establishing the policy agenda
      • Eg tariff reform and de-regulation of financial markets
    • Too often calls for reform these days are little more than slogans – tax reform; industrial relations reform – but no content.

    Have been fortunate in attracting people who are experts in their field and who are able to support their arguments with evidence. This evidence and logic is I hope one of the strengths of this book.

    Timing of the book is also fortuitous, coinciding with advent of a new and different government

    • More open, less negative and more optimistic
    • Most importantly good ideas are not being ruled out without any consideration

    Labor needs to respond accordingly. 

    The book itself

    Not my job to summarise the book.

    • Ross has done that, and we would rather you buy it now if you want to know more – as I am sure you do

    Just a couple of observations

    • Despite apparently deep divides between our political parties, judging by the articles in this book there is considerable consensus about the policy prescriptions for moving forward
    • This consensus may just reflect the company that John and I keep
      • Don’t think so
    • Foreign policy is a good example, of how there is more consensus than I expected
      • Used to think there were more opinions in DFAT than there were senior staff members
      • But the five different authors here – all former senior member of DFAT – agree that
        • we need to focus more on the opportunities and less on the threats – should appeal to Turnbull –
        • we need to achieve a more independent balance in our foreign policy
    • Most importantly, all the authors see an important role for government in our future
      • Consistent with past Australian traditions, general presumption among all the authors that we should maintain government responsibilities, even if we think their effective achievement requires changes in the means used
      • Want better government, not less government
      • Contrast with the US

    Given that conclusion, one issue in particular seems to me to be most important and that is taxation and the Budget

    • Perhaps I am biased, but naturally I don’t think so. Taxation and the Budget encompass so many of the other issues.
    • Critical issue is that we will need to raise more tax to preserve let alone enhance our sort of society
      • Market economy is likely to deliver greater inequality unless government acts to counter-act a wider distribution of earnings
      • State Premiers all want more tax beyond the cuts that the Australian Government has imposed.
      • Considerable expert opinion, including in this book, that Budget repair will require action on the revenue side as well as on the expenditure side, but hard to raise additional revenue if expenditure is not efficient, effective and equitable.
      • Do we think we can raise the additional revenue needed without increasing the GST?
        • Removal of tax concessions may not raise as much as some seem to expect
        • ALP proposal to reduce super concession will not raise much
      • My article in this book suggests that such actions will not be sufficient, and raises the option of increasing the GST to obtain the extra revenue needed. Progressive and even realistic thinkers need to support this option if it is the best way to obtain a consensus in favour of higher taxation
        • Can protect the poor
        • Income tax scales need adjustment to offset fiscal drag
  • John Menadue. The unfairness and waste in health. Private Health Insurance is the real culprit.

    Medibank Pte has been in dispute with the Calvary Hospital Group and now with UnitingCare over performance in their hospitals.

    At last our largest private health insurance company, MBP has come to understand that the private providers, hospitals and doctors, are really in control. These private providers determine the quality of care and its cost. The PHI companies like MBP are really powerless to control both the quality and cost of healthcare. They need to lift their game .But they are in a bind.

    The problem that the MBP faces is precisely the same problem as the US healthcare system faces. In the US hundreds of competing private health insurers do not have the power to control quality and price setting by providers. If a private insurance company is too tough the provider will take the business to a competitor. The worldwide lesson is that only a single insurer can have a real effect on costs and promote quality.

    The CEO of MBP has got into trouble by confronting the powerful providers, in this case Calvary and UnitingCare. He has resigned!  In his exit comments, the CEO of MBP, George Savvides said he was seeking to ‘reposition MBP from being a payer of bills, to a player in the health system’. He could not be more precise and correct. The private health insurance companies meekly accept the prices set by providers, both hospitals and doctors. I read Savvides’ comments to mean that the providers rebuffed him in his attempts to improve the quality and contain the cost of care. And his board did not support him. The providers have won again.

    Apparently Savvides was insisting on two things. The first was that MBP would refuse to pay when any of a list of 165 ‘highly preventable adverse events’ occurred, including preventable falls in hospital and presumably hospital-caused infections. Secondly he proposed that MBP would refuse to pay hospitals for unplanned patient readmissions that occur within 28 days of a procedure, compared with seven days previously.

    Good luck to PHI companies like MBP who refuse to be passive payers of bills and want to have a say in the cost and quality of care by private providers particularly in private hospitals.

    ‘Adverse events’ are a major cost in all health systems – mistakes, injury, infections and even death. Many are avoidable and many are not. Avoidable adverse events probably cost well over $ 5b p.a. in the Australian health sector. Good clinicians are caught up in a bad system. See link to my previous post ‘The personal, public and social costs of mistakes in health’.

    Other PHI companies like BUPA must similarly be concerned about the difficulty in controlling provider costs. That is the reason why PHI premiums rise significantly each year. Since John Howard introduced the rebate on PHI in 1999 the cost of PHI premiums has increased 150%.Overall prices have increased by less than 50%.Not surprisingly a reader panel in the Sydney Morning Herald has found that 64% of people don’t believe that PHI provides value for money. The Minister for Health describes many PHI policies as ‘junk’

    But PHI companies like MBP and Bupa contribute to high costs. Through GAP insurance that they provide they have underwritten an enormous increase in specialist fees in private hospitals. These specialists receive remuneration three to four times what is paid in public hospitals. And not to be out done on specialist fees the major private hospital; Ramsay Healthcare for example paid its CEO $31 m in 2014. No wonder MBP wants to get hospital costs down!

    In addition to the inability of PHI companies to put pressure on health costs, there is the problem of waste in the delivery of health care – excessive pathology and radiology tests, over-treatment and over-prescribing. In the recent Four Corners program we were told about a tsunami of over-diagnosis and treatment. We heard about

    • Care that is ineffective and sometimes unsafe;
    • That perhaps a half of MRIs, are unnecessary;
    • At least half arthroscopies are unnecessary;
    • At least 20% of knee replacements may be inappropriate;
    • The majority of MRI’s and CT’s for back pain are a complete waste;
    • The scientific evidence for spinal fusion is just not there;
    • As much as a third of money for stenting is potentially being wasted;
    • And up to 43% of invasive coronary angiograms are unnecessary.

    This waste is common across the health sector, both public and private, but I suggest that the problems are greater in the private sector and private hospitals in particular.

    The Four Corners program highlighted the particular problems in private hospitals.

    • ‘Stents are more likely to be given in the private sector than in the public’
    • ‘Most spinal fusion is done in private hospitals’
    • Angiograms are performed ‘more frequently in the private system’
    • ‘In the last ten years we have forked out nearly $486 m. for knee MRIs in the private sector alone.’
    • ‘It does seem that over-treatment is in the private sector’.

    Four Corners did not examine Work Cover and the cost of injuries in the workplace, particularly back injury when it is treated in private hospitals.

    Many clinicians and others in the Four Corners program pointed out that there is a great deal of data in all these areas but unfortunately it is invariably in silos and not readily accessible to the public so that we can effectively address the problems of ineffective, wasteful and sometimes harmful medical procedures. There are large variations in medical procedures between public and private hospitals and regions. We have a long way to go in rigorous evidence based care. Accreditation in itself does not tell us much about the quality of care.

    There are particular reasons why we should be concerned about what is happening in some private hospitals.

    • Fee for service in private hospitals and in the private sector generally provides a perverse incentive. Clinicians are rewarded for volume of work rather than the quality of care and patient outcomes. In the public sector, clinicians are more likely to be remunerated on a salaried or sessional basis without the financial incentives for over treatment.
    • In the public hospitals peer review is much more widely practiced with mistakes, adverse events and poor performance more readily corrected.
    • Dealing with less complicated cases, many private hospitals do not have the breadth and depth of experience and the skills that are found in public hospitals and particularly teaching hospitals. Some of the larger private hospitals are well run with peer review and strict accreditation. Some have training registrars and medical students. However the quality of care is patchy, particularly in smaller private hospitals.
    • I am also advised that private hospitals are much more likely to import minimally qualified nurses on temporary visas. This inevitably leads to more adverse events.
    • Private hospitals work much more on a cottage industry basis with visiting medical practitioners coming and going between the hospital and their private rooms. With hundreds of visiting specialists it is very difficult to develop professional collaboration and peer review and professional esprit des corps when they are coming and going on a part time basis.

    Australia is spending $10 b. to subsidise private health insurance. In 2014/15 this was made up as follows

    • $6.3 b for direct outlays as in Budget Paper 1
    • $1.5b tax free income rebate.
    • $1.0b benefit for exemption from Medicare levy surcharge.

    The total is $8.8 b for 2014/15. This year it would be higher and before we look at the inflation effects of PHI

    Most of the direct outlay of over $6b benefits higher income people accessing high cost private hospitals in the name of choice .In the process they jump the hospital queue.

    MBP’s attempt to address some of these problems in negotiations with Calvary Hospitals and UnitingCare is the first public sign that I have seen of PHI companies recognizing their serious problems. The ‘canary in the mine’ is warning us about the quality and cost of private hospital care that is   generously subsidised by the Australian taxpayer.

    PHI’s are financial intermediaries. They do not deliver healthcare. They are proving unable to effectively manage quality and contain costs in private hospitals. George Savvides has found out the hard way. But the government doesn’t care and diverts attention with nonsense about the unsustainability of our health system. Abolishing the $10b subsidy for PHI would greatly improve the quality of health care, reduce costs and make our health care system much more sustainable.

    But the lobbying power of PHI companies and private hospitals like Ramsay Healthcare frightens almost all politicians and particularly Commonwealth health ministers from both sides of politics.

    Taxpayer subsidised PHI will destroy our world class health system in the same way that PHI has caused disaster in the US.

  • Peter Gibilisco and assisted by Bruce Wearne. A Special Minister for Disability.

    Disability support and policy is currently undergoing much needed reform. Such reforms highlight the attenuated life chances of people with disabilities and how these can be mitigated by policies that emphasize the inclusion of people with disabilities into the social life of us all. There is much public money being spent on getting things right, and indeed many lives are at stake.

    The National Disability Insurance Scheme is a wide sweeping reform that seems to be trying its utmost to significantly improve the lives of all people with disabilities however severe or profound these may be. There is a constant need for significant government financial support for people with disabilities to promote their health and wellbeing.

    All this has led me in times past to ask: should there be a specific Government ministry for people with disabilities?

    But now I am wondering: how does this proposal relate to the recent change in Prime Minister and the Ministerial reshuffle? Should I be pleased?

    An article in the Sydney Morning Herald (21 September) discusses the new arrangement of Ministers with special attention to disability. The article’s headline suggests that the Turnbull Government’s reshuffle of portfolios amounts to a loss for disability. But it concludes with the statement of the new minister, Christian Porter (who has replaced Mitch Fifield), that “people can be absolutely assured that disabilities is going to have front and centre care inside portfolios.”

    The word “care” is interesting; it refers here to policies. In his portfolio statement it refers to people. This is a subtle reminder that policies need to be framed with care in order to care for people. But the statement on its own is ambiguous. My question is this: How can any one issue coming under Porter’s many-sided portfolio be “front and centre” when all the other issues to be dealt with under this “Social Welfare” portfolio also need to be addressed? I am not wanting to debate here. This is no quibble. The ambiguity confirms the suspicion that disability as a “front and centre” political issue may have lost ground in the ministerial reshuffle.

    And so to my point. I suggest that disability should be covered by one federal ministerial portfolio with one minister just as there is one Ministry for Indigenous Affairs.

    Of course the new Minister’s sincerity is not in doubt. I realise such an innovation would be difficult to implement. I also welcome his emphasis upon putting disability “front and centre”. That indeed affirms a principle of good ministerial oversight and what he has said should encourage people with disability to fight on for better outcomes. But as “disability minister” he is not simply the Minister for Disability Affairs; he is Minister for Social Services overseeing “Australian government social services, including Mental health, families and children’s policy, and support for carers and people with disabilities, and seniors.” (From the Minister’s web-site). And so the situation that confronts this minister is indeed complex with many issues “front and centre”.

    My point is that the social structural complexity confronting those with disability has to be the “front and centre” focus of a specially designated minister (and department). How else can he, or she, deal with all the other issues that have to be “front and centre” to other ministers and other departments?

    The people we are talking about are our fellow citizens who suffer from an infinite number of complex disabilities. It would make sense to have a Government minister who can articulate and define disability in human and medical discourse. It makes sense for a Government minister to be a political figurehead in overseeing impacts from legislation from other portfolios and ensuring appropriate adjustments. Such a ministry would be innovative with a massive work load. There are innumerable social issues to be addressed; the demographic features of disability across the country have to be regularly monitored.

    Australia has a diverse population, with approximately 20 per cent living with disability.

    There is also the shocking statistic that identifies that at least 45 per cent of these welfare recipients are living in poverty. This is  further suggesting that there is an appalling ignorance toward people with disabilities. Christian Porter has much work to do on this front. Australia, along with other OECD countries, should be developing a perspective on economic and social development that puts this fact “front and centre”.

    A Government ministerial innovation that I propose here will help to upgrade the professional and analytical skills of our public service to find a new path to reach out and include all of our society. This is something that a disability minister would seek to implement.

    Further: does the absence of such a specifically designated ministry already create an unfortunate stigma when it comes to the funding of disability services? Of course, this is a cultural problem even if many voices say there is a community-wide failure to acknowledge the problems confronting services to those with disabilities. How is this ignorance to be addressed without a Federal minister to give political clout to such a change in the general attitude?

    We note that many voices are suggesting that proposed funding for the National Disability Insurance Scheme will be inadequate. And indeed the appointment of a Minister for Disability Affairs, as I am proposing, would require wise guidance from those in public life (as well as parliamentarians) who are well versed about life and its struggles. This is but one step to support a move beyond mere coping with life’s struggles to embrace a national generosity that reckons with the pleasures of freedom for all.

    Peter Gibilisco was diagnosed with the progressive neurological condition called Friedreich’s Ataxia, at age 14. The disability has made his life painful and challenging. He rocks the boat substantially in the formation of needed attributes to succeed in life. For example, he successfully completed a PhD at the University of Melbourne, this was achieved late into the disability’s progression. However, he still performs research with the university, as an honorary fellow. Please read about his new book The Politics of Disability.

    Bruce Wearne was awarded a Ph.D. from LaTrobe University in Melbourne, Australia, in 1987, for a thesis examining the 20th–century history of American sociology. Having left university employment, he serves on the Editorial Board of The American Sociologist. He develops a perspective on South West Pacific politics at his blog: https://nurturingjustice.wordpress.com

     

     

  • Wasteful costs in health.

    Following the ABC Four Corners program on health costs in Australia, there have been a number of very good follow up articles.

    The first, in The Conversation on 29 September is by Ray Moynihan ‘Costly and harmful: we need to tame the tsunami of too much medicine’.

    https://theconversation.com/costly-and-harmful-we-need-to-tame-the-tsunami-of-too-much-medicine-48239

    The second, in the AFR on 5 October, is by Neil Soderlund, Sam Stewart and Jan Willem Kuenen is entitled ‘Why overtreatment is costing Aussies $30 billion per year and how to fix it’.

    http://www.afr.com/opinion/why-overtreatment-is-costing-aussies-30-billion-per-year-and-how-to-fix-it-20151005-gk1ktn

  • Stephen Leeder. The takeover of the Medical Journal of Australia.

    A quick glance at the last page of the most recent issue of the MJA reveals that there is as yet no replacement editor-in-chief and that two of the most senior medical editors – Janusic and Armstrong – are missing in action, as is the Editorial Advisory Committee. There is an interim editor. Many of the assistant editors have gone as well – replaced in the AMA president’s memorable words on ABC Radio because all they did was move words around on the page. This they had been doing, together with checking facts, assertions, arithmetic, grammar, syntax, clarity and originality of submitted papers and keeping the faith in the MJA community some for 20 years. This activity was now to be done by anonymous staff employed often overseas by the publishing giant Elsevier.

    How this role for Elsevier allows them to claim copyright if all that they are doing is moving words around on the page as you will find they do in the fine print at the bottom of the back page of the MJA describing the editorial staff, I do not know. I assume that it is part of the commercial deal done by the Australasian Publishing Company, AMPCo that used to be the sole publisher of the MJA on behalf of the Australian Medical Association. If you publish in the MJA now, copyright over your paper is held in part by Elsevier.

    The large publishing companies that have scooped up and repackaged knowledge and science are like giant fishing trawlers. I leave it to you to contemplate the similarities.

    When I took on the job as editor-in-chief a little over two years ago I did so understanding the risks because AMPCo has a grim reputation as an employer and because the AMA and I are not natural bedfellows, but those risks did not extend to working with or for Elsevier. I do not propose to rehearse today the many reasons why I consider Elsevier to be an untrustworthy company – you can read about the rebellion of the Dutch and French governments over their pricing policy in selling subscriptions to their journals on the Web site friendsofmja.net and a Google and Wikipedia search will lead you down into the dangerous and murky canyons of their dealings with research workers, pharmaceutical companies, universities and libraries. They are not the kind of organisation that you would consider taking home to meet mother, assuming that you get on well with your mother.

    Few academics know the details of what the big publishers have been up to for the past 20 years and anyway many scholars have vested interests in not rocking the boat because they need to publish to progress. I am 73 and at a point in my career where these things no longer matter. But this aside, what does matter is what happens to a journal, 101 years old that has belonged to the premier medical association in Australia. Despite lots of ups and downs and complex dealings with advertisers and its owner it has been a good custodian of professional values, committed as promised in its first issue, to the publication of research and policy. What happens when it becomes part of the Elsevier stable?

    A quotation to outsource production of the MJA was obtained from three companies of which Elsevier was one and presented to the AMPCo board in November last year after I had left the meeting and without my knowledge. The bid had been prepared with no consultation with me or the editorial staff but with the AMPCo management staff. I disagreed with the generous estimates the bid contained of how much could be saved and my colleagues and I offered detailed alternatives. These were not accepted.

    On April 28, without discussion of alternatives, I was summonsed to meet the chairman of the AMPCo board at midday who issued me with a letter of termination. I was then accompanied to my office by the HR manager to identify my goods that were to be packed and sent to me. The shocked editorial staff who had gathered outside my office and I repaired at 1 pm to a local coffee shop for an hour. This event was described by the AMA president at the AMA Conference in Brisbane recently as the staff taking the afternoon off to go to the pub with me and that AMPCo paid. AMPCO indeed DID pay (I had offered), all of $100 but for coffee. The receipt is on file. A PR company was hired, I assume at a generous rate, to handle this debacle, all remaining staff being prevented from public comment. AMPCo’s second sacking of an editor-in-chief in the past four years – there have been several before us as well – proceeded with surgical precision and the guillotine blade did not squeak through disuse as it fell. I was not warned about dismissal or given a chance to resign. All these details and more can be read in full detail on our Web site friendsofmja.net You will be relieved to know it is open access.

    Like my predecessor, whatever our faults, I was passionately committed to the future of the Journal and all the editorial staff – not just the medical editors. These people were my professional colleagues who participated in planning substantial changes to the journal following reader consultation. We were doing well. But the bottom line is what matters. What lessons can be drawn from this?

    First, corporate values rule in publishing at present. Others will speak about this. The effects of the commodification of knowledge – where a publisher asks to be paid to publish your paper, keeps the copyright, limits access to the paper and charges libraries a king’s ransom for bundled subscriptions, is scandalous. Universities pressed on all sides to conform to bureaucratic and mangerialist principles to maintain their funding base, judge the performance of their academics by publication citations and indices of unproven validity about research productivity, provided by the publishers.

    Second, academics have let this happen under their noses and I do not believe that the indifference to what has been happening in libraries and journals has been ethical or impressive. Colin Steele, a research fellow at ANU who has taken a detailed and long-standing interest in this process, has written:

    There are two competing, and at the moment, irreconcilable forces operating in scholarly communication. On the one hand [there is] the recognised need for scholarly exchange and, on the other, the increasingly embedded publishing system, and the rewards enshrined in the dominant Thomson and Elsevier article metrics used for research assessment and University league tables.

    Specialty journals have profited from aligning with big publishers every bit similar to the snouts-in-the-trough behaviour involved in accepting sponsorship for conferences and travel from the pharmaceutical industry. We academics and universities are far from blameless.

    Third, information technology is transforming the collection, collation and dissemination of knowledge. This offers hope. Knowledge has been commodified in recent decades but this will not last. The big publishers had best make their bucks during the remaining fat years because the lean years are coming when now forms of information dissemination out will displace them. Neoliberal managerialism and commercialisation will pass as surely as older faded ideologies have done. Think of open access and new forms of electronic information management as being like a vaccine against polio. When we have it we will not need the iron lung corporations with metal pumps to help us breathe.

     

    Stephen Leeder is the immediate past Editor-in-Chief of the MJA. He is Emeritus Professor of Medicine at Sydney University. Professor Leeder presented the above speech at a recent symposium ‘Reclaiming the Knowledge Commons: The Ethics of Academic Publishing and the Futures of Research”. The speech was published in the Weekly Report Issue 15 of the ‘Friends of the MJA‘.

  • Sandra Jones. Don’t worry about the kids: Let’s just protect the alcohol industry

    A recent study from Monash University found that a quarter of all alcohol advertising on Australian TV was during televised sports. Importantly, 86% of alcohol advertising between 6.00am and 8.30pm (that is, when kids are most likely to be watching TV) was during sports programming.

    The broadcast of alcohol advertisements on commercial television in Australia is restricted in order to limit the exposure of young people to alcohol advertising. Alcohol advertising is only permitted during periods of M (mature classification), MA (mature audience classification) or AV (adult violence classification) programs (which are restricted to between 8:30pm and 5.00am).

    The one – completely counter-intuitive – exception to this is that the broadcast of alcohol advertisements is permitted during the live broadcast of sporting events on weekends and public holidays. It is not surprising that this ‘exception’ results in alcohol advertising being shown at the time that children and teenagers are most likely to see it and most likely to be influenced by it.

    Free TV, which represents the television networks, wants to bring forward unrestricted viewing hours from 8.30pm to 7.30pm. Conversely, Prof Kerry O’Brien and his team at Monash (like most of us in public health) wants the reverse – moving the kick-off time for alcohol advertising from 8.30 to 9.30pm..

    Even more than that, what we’d really like to see is the removal of the ‘exemption’ for live sport; an exemption that FreeTV defends but is unable to justify. An exemption that the rest of us recognize for what it is: a clear message that the money-makers are more interested in protecting alcohol advertisers than protecting kids.

    The World Health Organization’s European Charter on Alcohol 1995 asserts that:

    “All children and adolescents have the right to grow up in an environment protected from the negative consequences of alcohol consumption and, to the extent possible, from the promotion of alcoholic beverages (and) … no form of advertising is specifically addressed to young people, for instance, through the linking of alcohol to sports.”

    In relation to sport, the current iteration of the Alcohol Beverages Advertising Code (ABAC) states that a Marketing Communication must NOT show (visibly, audibly or by direct implication) the consumption or presence of an Alcohol Beverage as a cause of or contributing to the achievement of personal, business, social, sporting, sexual or other success.

    The previous version of the Code also used to say that alcohol advertisements must NOT “depict any direct association between the consumption of alcohol beverages, other than low alcohol beverages, and the operation of a motor vehicle, boat or aircraft or the engagement in any sport (including swimming and water sports) or potentially hazardous activity” but now it says “before or during any activity that, for safety reasons, requires a high degree of alertness or physical co-ordination, such as the control of a motor vehicle, boat or machinery or swimming”.

    Somehow, in its efforts to toughen up the Code and better protect kids from inappropriate messages about alcohol, the ABAC managed to drop the specific reference to sport. Does that make you wonder whose well-being they are protecting?

    What is particularly problematic about the ‘exemption’ for alcohol advertising during live sport broadcasts is that it opens up a mammoth marketing opportunity that goes far beyond the commercial breaks.

    In a study funded by the Cancer Council Victoria, we analysed the television coverage of the 2012 AFL and NRL finals matches on WIN and Prime (in the Illawarra NSW). The AFL finals averaged three minutes of alcohol commercials and an additional 17 minutes of alcohol marketing per game. The NRL finals averaged just over two minutes of alcohol commercials and an additional 28 minutes of alcohol marketing.

    A few years ago we conducted interviews with children aged 10 to 12 years about their engagement with sports. The children associated playing sport with positive life outcomes such as good health, success and maintaining a healthy weight. Watching sport on TV was a regular part of life, especially for boys. The children were also aware of the concept of sponsorship and were able to identify the sponsors of the sporting teams, including the alcohol sponsors. They also remembered and recognized alcohol ads, and expressed strong positive associations between alcohol brands and sport.

    Participant: that’s a very good one [VB] because most men drink. . . Especially like when they play sports, and yeah and when they’re tired from sports they might go and then have a drink and stuff.

    Public health advocates and organizations focused on the wellbeing of young people are united in their view that alcohol advertising and alcohol sponsorship are harmful to young people.

    While the industry would state that they are only targeting those over the age of 18, their messages are clearly being heard, and internalized, by even very young children. Surely it is time for our government to recognize that, even in a country that supports free trade, protecting our children must be a higher priority than protecting the alcohol industry.

    Professor Sandra Jones is an ARC Future Fellow and Director of the Centre for Health and Social Research (CHaSR) at the Australian Catholic University (Melbourne).

  • John Menadue. The Commonwealth Department of Health and Ageing.

    I have frequently raised my concerns about the ability of the Department of Health and Ageing to develop good health policy and manage health reform. A test of the new Minister is whether she can help facilitate the necessary reform. See below links to two earlier articles I wrote on this problem. The first is a capability review of the Department of Heath and Ageing by the Australian Public Service Commission. The second is a report by the Australian National Audit Office of DHA’s administration of the Fifth Community Pharmacy Agreement.

    Both reports raise very serious issues.

    https://publish.pearlsandirritations.com/blog/?p=3411

    https://publish.pearlsandirritations.com/blog/?p=3453

  • Peter Day. “Sally’s worth it.”

    Harry Anslinger’s dream to rid the world of drugs was given legs in 1930 when he was appointed the first commissioner of the U.S. Treasury Department‘s Federal Bureau of Narcotics.

    He was a brilliant bureaucrat with a grand vision underpinned by prohibition; a man who single-handedly turned a marginalised, underfunded Bureau into an uncompromising and powerful war machine.

    But, as Johann Hari reveals in his compelling book “Chasing the Scream – the first and last days of the war on drugs,” Anslinger was also a zealot and racist:

    “The most frightening aspect of marijuana, [Anslinger] warned, was on blacks. It made them forget the appropriate racial barriers – and unleashed their lust for white women.”

    Harry’s dream has become a global nightmare.

    A story:

    I’m not sure of the exact date, but I’ll never forget the encounter.

    I first met ‘Sally’ (not her real name) in late 1997 at St Canice’s parish, Kings Cross.

    She was homeless. She was an addict. She was paid for sex.

    Sally was exhausted – her life was exhausting.

    She needed some respite – just a couple of nights in a safe place, please.

    At that time, St Canice’s was providing temporary shelter for working girls just like Sally. The accommodation was very basic: a small room with a single bed and a sink overlooking the church’s carpark.

    For a brief period, it was my responsibility to help clean the room and welcome its guests. It was a simple process: strip the bed, put on clean sheets, wash the floor and sink, and empty the bedside bin which was a popular hang-out for used syringes.

    This is how I came to meet Sally. She arrived one afternoon set for a couple of night’s accommodation and we had a chat:

    Cuppa, Sally?

    Yeh, that’d be good, thanks. 

    How’d you sleep?

    Not bad; it’s nice to be safe, which ain’t too common given me lifestyle. 

    It must be awful feeling so unsettled …

    Yeh, not much fun; not much of a life, neither. 

    If you don’t mind me asking, how long have you been using … and living on the streets?

    God, I’ve been usin’ since I was a teenager … almost 20 years now! 

    Sorry, excuse me; the kettle’s boiled; any sugars?

    Yeh, three, please … make it four. 

    Biscuit?

    Ta; that’d be nice. 

    There you go, hope it’s not too strong.

    Perfect, ta.

    Yeh, I had me first shot when I was fourteen. Mum used to entertain a lot, if you know what I mean; not nice blokes, neither. They used to rough me up quite a bit; had a pretty terrible childhood, really. Mum was a user too. That’s how I got into the gear … and prostitution. 

    Hope you don’t mind me asking; but do you think you’ll ever escape all this; the drugs, the …?

    Look, gettin’ off the gear’s the easy bit; but what for? What am I goin’ to do when I get off it? I’ve been a prostitute and user since I was fourteen; haven’t worked for nearly 20 years; not much of a CV. Not much of a story for a future employer, is it? The thing people don’t understand is that all me friends are users, too. This is my world. This is all I know. So, if I stop usin’, it means I’ve gotta give up me friends as well. I’d have to find another world. It’d be like startin’ all over. I’m not sure I can do that. I’m not sure I’d know where to start … it’s not just a physical thing, drug addiction …

    _________________

    When one listens to stories like Sally’s, two things become apparent: firstly, how traumatised and sick she is, and secondly, how much her drug induced chaos makes sense, as terrible as that may sound. After all, why wouldn’t she pursue relief from such unbearable psychological pain – ever had a knee replacement or a tooth pulled and refused pain-killers?

    As many addicts will tell you, addiction is really a disease of loneliness and self-worthlessness – much of it stemming from abuse.

    Indeed, “it’s not just a physical thing, drug addiction.”

    And here-in lies the problem with the war on drugs: it is a war that predominately targets the sick and the weak and the poor.

    It is a war against the Sallys of the world who, thanks to prohibition, are forced to hunt for their pain relief amidst wicked and brutal people in wicked and brutal places.

    One might even say we have criminalised pain relief.

    Yet still, after almost a century, most of the generals and policy boffins prosecuting this war continue to pursue Mr Anslinger’s ideology of prohibition and criminalisation: if you get rid of the chemicals and swat away the users and sellers, all will be well.

    But all is not well wherever this ideology abounds.

    Indeed, prohibition has inadvertently created another war: the war FOR drugs: a murderous, multi-billion dollar free-for-all overseen by transnational cartels, gangs, and assorted opportunists.

    The global misery and damage is incalculable.

    This tsunami of crime has also spawned a brutal and unjust judicial system; one which powerfully prosecutes the weak and weakly prosecutes the powerful. Look who is filling our gaols: in the U.S. and Australia it is those who are poor and black and addicted – Mr Anslinger would be pleased.

    The nature of this racist backdrop is encapsulated in the following exchange between decorated American police officer, Matthew Fogg, and one of his superiors. Once again, we turn to Hari’s “Chasing the Scream”:

    “Fogg was bewildered as to why his force only ever went to black neighbourhoods to chase drug users. He suggested to his boss they start raiding white neighbourhoods as well.

    “‘Fogg,’ his boss said, ‘you know you’re right they are using drugs there but you know what? If we go out and we start targeting those individuals, they know judges, they know lawyers, they know politicians, they know all the big folks in government. If we start targeting them … you know what’s going to happen? We’re going to get a phone call and they’re going to shut us down … There goes your overtime. There goes the money that you’re making. So let’s just go after the weakest link. Let’s go after those who can’t afford the attorneys, those who we can lock up.’”

    The war on drugs has encouraged governments, police, the law, and us to look upon the Sallys of our world with a dismissive contempt. Thus, Sally and her ilk are swatted off to the streets and into humiliating prison settings which are far more adept at re-traumatising the traumatised than rehabilitation.

    When asked how Australia might most effectively respond to the drug problem, Dr Alex Wodak AM, President of the Australian Drug Law Reform Foundation, had this to say:

    “We should be making primarily a health and social response. I say ‘primarily’ because there should always be some law enforcement; if there was a tanker full of heroin coming to our ports I like to think something would be done about that.

    “But this is also about gross inequalities in our communities. Australia is a much more unequal county compared to countries in Scandinavia, or Japan that have lower levels of drug use. Generally the more unequal the country the higher the levels of drug use.

    “From a social perspective, we should do everything we can to keep people who use illicit drugs integrated in the community, and if they fall out then we should help them reintegrate. One of the most helpful things we can do is encourage them to get a decent education and some training and help them gain meaningful employment that will maintain their self-respect. 

    “From a health perspective, let’s say it was your sister with the drug problem and she really wanted to stop. Every relative would want her to go to a counselor or health professional rather than be picked up by the police. The criminal justice system is stigmatizing, if your sister was to go to jail the stigma will always hang over her… when finding a boyfriend, getting a job, renting a place. Making sure people are not irretrievably damaged is very important.”

    Hear, hear. Sally’s worth it.

    Peter Day is a Catholic Priest in Canberra.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Jane Tolman. Facing up to dementia.

    As I reflect on the ongoing complaints at federal and state level about our ailing health system, widespread community concerns and a medical culture which is still often hospital- and doctor- centric, I wonder how we will be able to sort it all out.

    In the 20th Century, when average life expectancies were in the 60s and 70s, we died from a range of illnesses, but often from vascular diseases (heart attacks and strokes) and cancers. With our increasing longevity, the 20th Century diseases are being replaced by the neurodegenerative diseases of the 21st Century. These include Parkinson’s, motor neurone disease, the dementias (Alzheimer’s being the most common one in Australia) and many more less well known. They involve physical and very often cognitive elements, marked by increasing frailty and dependence. Impairment of mobility, balance and all the senses (hearing, vision, taste, smell and touch) are common features.   They are all progressive.

    In what ways is this world of neurodegeneration different?

    Our hospitals are no longer full of acutely unwell younger people, as they were even during the period of my training. Many hospitalised patients now are older people who have had a fall, become delirious with a trivial infection, become confused after some “relatively” minor event, or are just not coping. The old rules simply no longer work.

    First, our patients very often lack adequate cognition to give us a good history so that an appropriate diagnosis might be made, or lose their cognition over time. This means that a collaboration with family or care-givers is required to provide satisfactory management.

    Second, the notion of confidentiality and privacy must be reconsidered. Those patients with failing cognition are vulnerable to their own lack of understanding, judgement and decision-making, abuse by others, bureaucracies, and a community health system which is still the poor cousin of hospital care. Families and care-givers frequently complain that doctors will not hear their concerns, and feel demeaned or angry when their stories are not heard or believed.

    Third, neurodegeneration is not “curable”. There might be exacerbations of ongoing problems, or superimposed illnesses (often due to falls or infections) which can be treated. But in the main, these conditions are palliative. That means that there should be an early diagnosis, a plan generated, and families and care-givers as well as health professionals all party to it. Care-givers must know what’s ahead. It is essential that there is recognition of the palliative focus, and that each of these conditions is relentlessly progressive. Just how much do we put a frail elderly person through so that the same thing can occur within days or weeks of hospital discharge? How often do we ask our patients (and their families or care-givers) what they want? It’s OK to die. We will all do it, and we have no control over that. But we do, or should, have control over the manner of our death.

    Fourth, admitting to hospital these frail elderly people is often bad medicine and it’s bad for the health system. The effect will be to “decondition” the patient so that an admission of a week with the presenting problem my well require a month or longer in rehabilitation in an effort to restore to function.

    Solutions to the myriad problems of our ailing health system are complex. But talk of more beds and more doctors in hospitals misses the point. We need to understand our patients, and their needs and preferences. We need to stop pouring our precious health dollars into the seemingly bottomless pit of our hospital system and concentrate on prevention of these precipitants of admission, and to re-direct the resources into the community. Dementia alone is threatening to cripple the health system. Carers are carrying a huge and increasing burden with little recognition or meaningful support. When things go wrong, the fall-back position seems to be to admit to hospital, a choice which just happens to be the worst for everyone. Having a proper, well-resourced and comprehensive system of community care for those with dementia, backed by well-informed health professionals, supporting families and carers, is essential.

    Reading Death Rules: how death shapes life on Earth and what it means to us by Queensland Palliative Care physician Dr Will Cairns (Vivid Publishing, 2015), and Being Mortal: Medicine and What Matters in the End (2014) by American writer and surgeon, Dr Atul Gawande should be mandatory for health bureaucrats and clinicians.

    As we learn to appreciate the impact of neurodegeneration, we should constantly reflect on this question: what are we really trying to achieve? It’s all about people, and about how to give each of us the best time possible. It is not now about prolonging life at all costs.

    Improving care for those with neurodegenerative conditions and supporting their carers, will also serendipitously aid the health care system. It might be more expensive in the short term. And certainly there will be considerable system reconfiguration, with substantial emphasis on education for both health professionals at all levels, and the community. The biggest challenge, though, might be the required culture change.

    Advertisement: a good start for education on dementia might be to enrol in our Understanding Dementia MOOC (Massive Open On-Line Course) which can be found at www.utas.au/wicking/wca/mooc

    Jane Tolman

    (Associate Professor in Aged Care at the Wicking Dementia Centre at the University of Tasmania, previously Director of Aged Care in the Tasmanian health system)

     

  • Mack Madahar. Nurse Practitioners: Challenges and Opportunities.

    Nurse Practitioners were provided access to the MBS in November 2010. Besides limited access to pathology/radiology, nurse practitioners were provided with four time-tiered MBS item numbers for professional attendances. While most nurse practitioners have established themselves in public hospitals, primarily because of the relative financial certainty it provides, there are a handful of NPs trying to establish a niche in primary care.

    There is tremendous amount of debate in primary care about burgeoning Medicare costs and the ability to offer fully subsidised primary care. Whilst GPs are well placed in primary care, primary health care nurse practitioners have demonstrated to be an excellent resource in providing care that is safe, effective and affordable. Besides improving patient satisfaction, primary health care nurse practitioners facilitate a focus on complex and chronic care needs, which may increase patient throughput and productivity. Such services provide excellent examples of nurse practitioners offering value-added service at little cost. Nevertheless, primary health care nurse practitioners face daily challenges, some of which are worth mentioning. This in order to gain better understanding of these problem/s and convert such challenges into possibilities for change into the future.

    Challenges:

    • Access to only four MBS item numbers out of 5,500 items is limiting growth of nurse practitioners in primary care at a time when there is an increase in ageing, chronic disease and mental health populations. Limited ability to earn a living is turning nurse practitioners away from collaborating with GPs in the provision of primary care.
    • Primary health care nurse practitioners are unable to make MBS-reimbursable referrals to allied health professionals and have limited access to MBS diagnostic imaging items. This contributes to duplication of care and practice inefficiencies.
    • There are no after-hour MBS item numbers for nurse practitioners working in primary care. This means that running such services from an administrative standpoint make it financially unviable.
    • Lack of incentive payments for bulk-billing children, elderly and health care cardholders prevents primary health care nurse practitioners from focusing on the marginalized populations they were designed to serve.
    • Primary health care nurse practitioners can independently perform simple procedures such as insertion of contraceptive implants, as well as spirometry and ECG interpretation. Unlike GPs, primary health care nurse practitioners have no access to procedural MBS item numbers. This means the full costs of performing such procedures are passed on to patients and/or GP practices, which provides a financial barrier to essential screening and diagnostic services. This also means that GPs have to foot the bill for consumables when nurse practitioners have performed such services. The cost must not be passed on to practices as part of a collaborative system.
    • There is a lack of knowledge of the primary health care nurse practitioner role. The AMA has done an excellent job in muddying the waters by confusing the nurse practitioner role with that of the practice nurse. Nurse practitioners are independent practitioners who work beyond the contemporary registered nurse scope of practice. They are able to prescribe medicines, order and interpret diagnostic tests, and make referrals to medical specialists. They perform their functions above and beyond the practice nurse role.

    Opportunities:

    Minister of Health Hon Sussan Ley recently announced a new payment model that encourages General Practices to provide after-hours services. Though specific eligibility has not been announced, it is hoped that nurse practitioners working in collaboration with GPs are included in this arrangement.

    At the same time an MBS Review Task Force has been announced. This taskforce will examine the relevancy of 5500 MBS item numbers and align them with clinical evidence. While this is encouraging there are no nurse practitioners on the review panel. This presents a missed opportunity to provide informed financial consideration of the nurse practitioner role in general practice.

    The Primary Health Care Advisory Group (PHCAG) is another excellent announcement and shows the Minister’s commitment to support patients with chronic and complex health conditions. Except for the inclusion of the chair from the Australian Practice Nurse’s Association, nurse practitioners are missing from the advisory group. Perhaps it is time for a change of heart.

    Nurse practitioners are underutilized in primary care due to financial constraints. This missed opportunity places added burden on GPs, and contributes to strain on the public health system. Small increases in government spending to improve access to existing MBS item numbers (at a reduced rate, e.g. 85%) will encourage nurse practitioner numbers in primary care and provide an impetus for practice nurses to enroll in nurse practitioner programs. While practice nurses work tirelessly, nurse practitioners provide an advanced level of expertise that can support general practices in a greater cost-effective manner.

    Conclusion:

    The current government is committed to cost savings in health and primary care is proving to be one of their toughest challenges. Primary health care nurse practitioners working together with GPs offer real support to all aspects of chronic and complex health problems, with the potential to contribute to real health systems savings. New payment initiatives and advisory committees demonstrate the government’s commitment to cost savings and evidenced-based care. Greater consideration of the primary health care nurse practitioners role can help support this Government’s aspirations. This valuable resource should be allowed to work to its full potential to demonstrate the potential of a cost saving alternative in the long term.

    Mack Madahar is a PHC and MH nurse practitioner. He acknowledges the valuable input of Chris Helms, RN, NP, MSN, ANP-BC, FACNP, in writing this paper.

  • John Menadue. Our health system is sustainable.

    To justify an increase in the GST, Premier Baird has joined the long list of conservatives who keep telling us that our health system is unsustainable. Earlier the Treasurer, Ministers for Health and the Commission of Audit warned us in one way or another that the Australian health service is unsustainable, particularly with an ageing population.

    The fact is that it is sustainable. .

    We need to keep modernising Medicare but by almost any international comparison we have one of the best and most sustainable health services in the world. We need to keep our problems in perspective.

    The Commonwealth Fund publishes a regular research report on health systems in major countries. The Commonwealth Fund is a highly regarded private US foundation that compares major systems around the world to stimulate innovative policies and practices in the US and elsewhere.

    In its 2014 report ‘Mirror, mirror on the wall’ it compares the performance of healthcare systems in eleven major countries. The comparisons cover quality of care, access, efficiency, equity,‘healthy lives’ and health expenditures per capita.

    Its overall health ratings for these eleven countries were as follows:

    1. UK
    2. Switzerland
    3. Sweden
    4. Australia
    5. Germany and Netherlands (equal)
    6. .
    7. New Zealand and Norway(equal)
    8. .
    9. France
    10. Canada
    11. US

    On almost all the measures the UK with its National Health Service is a stand-out performer. . Grounded in primary care and with a single payer it has well and truly stood the test of time. The regular laggard in almost all these rankings is the US. It tells us a great deal about the failure of a health service based on multiple private insurance payers. Our private health insurance lobby is trying to take us down this disastrous US path.

    When one looks at the break-down of these rankings, the UK ranks at the top in quality of care, access, efficiency and equity. US ranks last in access, efficiency and equity. What is more, the UK system is the cheapest at $US3,405 per capita in 2011 compared with the US, the most expensive at $US8,508 per capita in that same year.

    As indicated, Australia stands at number four in overall rankings amongst the eleven countries. In particular areas we ranked as follows

    • In quality of care we ranked number 2.
    • In access, we are well down the list at number 8. This reflects in part our high level of co-payments or out of pocket costs. The Abbott Government plans will make this worse.
    • In efficiency, we rank number 4.
    • In equity we rank number 5, which reflects in part our failures in mental health, indigenous health and in remote healthcare.
    • In ‘healthy lives’ we rank number 4.
    • In health expenditure per capita in 2011 at $US3,800 we were the third lowest amongst the 11 countries.

    Another measure of our success of course is our high life expectancy.

    It is quite clear that by world standards we rank quite well. We are behind the UK, but far ahead of the US. . Medicare has served us well but is 40 years old without major review.

    But there are ways that we could improve our health services.

    • Mental health, indigenous health and remote healthcare are major shortcomings.
    • Our co-payments are confused and inequitable.
    • Subsidised private health insurance makes it harder for Medicare to control costs.

    There are many ways in which the efficiency of our system could be improved and costs better managed.

    • Can we afford the funding we commit to IVF and end of life services at the expense say of indigenous and mental health?
    • The split of commonwealth and state responsibilities adds to costs and hinders integration of hospital and non hospital care. We have in reality two stand-alone health systems, primary care and hospital care. There is little incentive for the Commonwealth to improve primary (GP) care in order to reduce pressure on expensive state run public hospitals. We need joint funding and planning of all health care that I have proposed for many years.
    • The remuneration of doctors, pathologists and radiologist through fee-for-service is a perverse incentive which encourages over-servicing and over-prescribing. It also hinders the treatment of long-term chronic sufferers.
    • The government subsidy to private health insurance adds $10 billion per annum to government costs benefits the wealthy and weakens Medicare.
    • Australian drugs cost at least $2b. Per annum more than similar drugs in NZ because of the clout of Medicines Australia in negotiating prices with the Australian government.
    • With its lobbying power, the Australian Pharmacy Guild protects pharmacists from competition.
    • Our health workforce is riddled with demarcations and restrictive work practices. Nurses are not properly encouraged and employed. Yet they hold the system together.
    • The Productivity Commission has drawn attention to great variations in productivity between public hospitals and between private hospitals.
    • There is no accountability in any meaningful way for what the health industry produces particularly in general practise. There is little effective peer review in private hospitals. Where are the service bench marks in patient outcomes, the use of preventive strategies, and integration of care or even waiting times?

    There is clearly a lot we can do to improve healthcare in Australia and better manage costs. But overall, we have a very good and sustainable health service which ranks well against comparable countries.

    Sorry if I keep repeating myself on health care but the myths about our unsustainable health care are recycled time and time again and seldom contested.

  • John Dwyer. An increase in the GST or efficiency gains to fund our hospitals. Which would you prefer?

    Premier Baird has announced that he will require a 15% GST to fund our public hospital system in the coming years. It is certainly true that with present policies, revenue won’t match the cost of the anticipated future demand for hospital care. Hospital admissions climb steadily each year (average increase 3%) and the additional patients tend to be sicker and older. Our current health system puts pressure on our State and Territory governments to constantly find more beds and provide new hospital stock. Without financial restructuring his government will not be able to provide us with the quality service we need and expect. The better targeted suggestion from Victoria that we increase the Medicare levy won’t provide the money needed. The current levy only covers about 50% of the cost of Medicare.

    However financial restructuring can involve two, not necessarily mutually exclusive tactics. In the policy vacuum that has absorbed Australian politics like a black hole, the easy tactic is for government to ask Australians for more money. A far better approach would see us at last addressing the structural inefficiencies in our health system that would provide savings that at least for health care, would make this huge increase in a regressive tax unnecessary.

    Premier Baird’s problem is that the structural levers that need to be pulled to improve the health of the nation and its budget are in Canberra. It’s the Federal government that funds the majority of our primary (GP) and community care and it’s the inability of both, as currently structured, to reduce the demand for hospital care that so frustrates State and Territory governments. Any review of the benefits or otherwise of our federal system will reveal that it has created rather than solved many problems for cost-effective, equitable delivery of health care.

    Our taxpayer funded public health system spends more than 55 billion dollars a year on hospital care but only 19 billion dollars a year on primary care. However, wearing federal blinkers, the federal government looks at Medicare as if it was a stand-alone health system and State and Territory governments are forced to focus on hospital care. Health economics 101 and much reliable international evidence tells us that if we spend more money on a structurally reformed primary care system we would save far more than these reforms would cost by significantly reducing the demand for hospital services. This is the “win, win” path we should be taking, not an increase in the GST.

    Premier Baird and his fellow Premiers are looking at escalating fiscal problems for hospital funding over the next ten years. What we need is to take a reform journey through that decade that would see us still spending about 10% of our GDP on health but having a healthier population requiring far fewer trips to hospital. At least eight OECD countries are well advanced on that journey and many have evidence of reductions in hospital admission rates of 20-35%.

    Available evidence tells us that the most important change our health system needs would see us introduce a model of primary care known as “Integrated Primary Care”. This model places an emphasis on prevention of disease (only 2% of our current health budget is spent on prevention), early detection of changes that could develop into chronic conditions if not treated in time, in house “team management” of all the health needs of those who have an established illness and outreach services from the practice into the community to treat individuals who otherwise might need hospital care. Research reveals that more than 600,000 admissions to our public hospitals each year could have been avoided with an appropriate community intervention. Around the world the model is increasingly referred to as a “Medical Home”. One enrols in this entity wherein multidisciplinary teams of health professionals can provide the above services. International experience shows us that patients and health professionals enthusiastically embrace the model.

    As our federation is reviewed and our health care costs are wrestled with, consider the following inefficiencies that should also be addressed before considering an increase in the GST. We have nine departments of health for 23 million people. Duplication costs us 2-3 billion dollars a year. We spend over 6 billion dollars a year subsidising private health insurance using the false argument that such spending will see private hospital care reducing the demand for public hospital services. It doesn’t. The money would be much better spent on improving primary care and reducing admission to both public and private hospitals. My profession is steadily tackling the very unprofessional expenditure of up to 10 billion dollars a year on low value or no value procedures and tests. Australians spend 3 billion dollars a year buying vitamins and “supplements”, not needed by the vast majority of us, as they are led to believe you can neutralise an unhealthy lifestyle with something out of a bottle.

    Tackling these problems as we progress along our health reform journey will provide us with a health system for the future that is second to none, equitable and cost effective. Even if we could afford a massive increase in the GST it would be money poorly spent on a health system calling out for reform. Now where oh where is the political leadership to take us on this productive journey?

     

    John Dwyer is Emeritus Professor of Medicine at UNSW.

  • Kerry Breen. The Australian Medical Association vs. The Medical Journal of Australia.

    Troubles at the Medical Journal of Australia and the birth of ‘Friends of the MJA’

    The Medical Journal of Australia (MJA) has been in existence for over 100 years and has become the most important national publication for every aspect of the health and health care of Australians. It is owned by the Australian Medical Association (AMA) and is published by the Australasian Medical Publishing Company (AMPCo), a wholly owned subsidiary of the AMA. AMPCo makes a profit on its Medical Directory* but, like other journals of medical associations around the world, makes a loss with the MJA. The loss is subsidised by the annual membership fees of AMA members and the current subsidy per member is believed to be approximately $80 per member. Annual membership of the AMA costs up to $1446. [*The Medical Directory is the only available comprehensive listing of all doctors, with information about qualifications, special interests, practice addresses, publications etc.]

    In early May, 2015, AMA members, and the medical profession generally, learnt via the media that the AMPCo Board had sacked its Editor-in-Chief, Professor Stephen Leeder without warning and had contracted with international publishing conglomerate, Elsevier, to publish and subedit the MJA(see (http://www.smh.com.au/national/medical-journal-editor-sacked-and-editorial-committee-resigns-20150503-1myr8q.html). The reason for sacking Professor Leeder was stated to be his unwillingness to work with the AMPCo Board in the outsourcing move to Elsevier. The justification given for outsourcing was to reduce costs. No information has been provided about the terms of the Elsevier contract. The future of the entire editing and subediting staff of the MJA remains unclear. In response to the news, eighteen*of the 22 members of the Editorial Advisory Committee of the MJA resigned, along with two full-time deputy editors. [* A nineteenth has since resigned.]

    Senior members of the medical profession were astonished at these events and extensive media coverage resulted. Adverse coverage also appeared in Canada, USA, UK, India and France. In response to widespread concern within the medical profession, a group known as Friends of the MJA established a web site http://www.friendsofmja.net.au/ with the purposes of providing interested parties with all the available background information on this matter and of assessing the level of support for the actions of AMPCo.

    To date, over 350 people, including many senior members* of the medical profession and of allied professions who rely on the MJA, have used the website to sign on as ‘Friends of the MJA. These people are listed on the website. Not one has supported the AMPCo actions. [The group includes 124 full professors and 65 doctors who have been awarded Australian honours for services to medicine.]

    Initially, the dismay and distress over the actions of AMPCo centred on two aspects: (a) how such an effective and highly respected Editor-in-Chief could be not listened to by the Board of AMPCo and be summarily sacked and (b) the selection of Elsevier as a publishing partner. AMPCo responded by claiming that “due diligence” had been undertaken with regard to Elsevier but declined to comment on whether the four AMPCo Board members were fully aware of Elsevier’s track record (see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Cost_of_Knowledge and https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elsevier).

    While these two aspects are still of deep concern, a much more important issue has emerged, namely the effect of a working relationship with Elsevier on access to the research findings of publicly (taxpayer) funded research. Internationally, boycotts of Elsevier have been sponsored by researchers and even government in reaction to Elsevier’s pricing and related policies. (see http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/aug/29/academic-publishers-murdoch-socialist and https://unlockingresearch.blog.lib.cam.ac.uk/?p=192). This issue, together with the lack of any reassurance that a future editor of the MJA will have editorial independence from the AMPCo Board, and that the AMPCo Board itself will be free of interference by the AMA leadership of the day, make many in the medical profession fearful for the future of the MJA.

    The Steering Committee of Friends of the MJA have asked that the AMPCo Board decisions be reversed, that a new Board be appointed and that an independent expert be commissioned to advise the new AMPCo Board on the best way forward from here. In the absence of any willingness of the AMA leadership to revisit these ill-judged decisions, the AMPCo Board must, at the very least, be restructured to bring in additional members with experience in medical publishing and a charter of independence for the Editor must be agreed upon. Without these latter two minimal steps, it is highly unlikely that a new editor* of standing will be recruited, making the future of the MJA bleak. [*Note: The MJA was expelled from the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors after the previous editor was sacked in 2012. It has not been readmitted.]

    As at 10 July 2015, the leadership of the AMA and the AMPCo Board have been unmoved by these protests and instead have responded by criticising the Friends as being “mates” of Professor Leeder and being intent on harming the MJA.

    Dr Kerry Breen (convenor of the Steering Committee of Friends of the MJA) may be contacted via friendsofmja@friendsofmja.net.au . He is a Specialist Physician who has been a member of the AMA for fifty years and a regular contributor to and reviewer for the MJA. He currently holds a post of Adjunct Professor in the Department of Forensic Medicine at Monash University. He is a Past President of the Medical Council of Australia, a Past President of the Medical Practitioners Board of Victoria and a Past Chair of the Australian Health Ethics Committee of the NHMRC.

    More information, including material issued on behalf of the AMA and AMPCo can be found at http://www.friendsofmja.net.au/ where readers can also register their view and sign on as Friends of the MJA.

     

     

  • Ross Kerridge. GP Remuneration.

    Current Affairs

    I understand that at the recent National Conference of the AMA there was general support for a move to help funding systems other than just fee-for-service. Ross Kerridge examines this issue below. John Menadue 

    Healthcare Heroes. How to reward GPs for what they do best: a hospital specialist’s proposal

    There is an old saying in healthcare: –   “If the GP is good, a specialist may be able to help. If the GP is bad, nothing will help.”  

    The Junior Doctor has asked my advice about a 78 year old woman who has been booked for a hip replacement next week. She has the features common for her age – touches of heart disease, diabetes, emphysema, and her husband died three years ago. Children interstate. She’s maybe a bit forgetful. Not really sure about her regular medication, but says she is still living independently. “Seems a nice old lady and quite active but it’s a bit hard to be sure from just meeting her today.” 

    Preparing her properly needs more information. So does planning her postoperative care. The GP is the key to sorting it out….. “OK, who is her GP?” I ask.

    “She doesn’t have a regular GP any more. She goes to the 24-hour medical centre. We have two different versions of her medication and little information about her visits to specialists. She’s a bit vague about where she’ll go after discharge. The family situation might not be as good as she said at first….”

    Heart sinks. Groan. Oh dear….

    I start… “OK. She needs proper assessment. Can we get someone from General Medicine to check her over? What about Geriatrics? Has she had spirometry from the respiratory team? Does she need a cardiologist? Social work will need to be involved for discharge postop. We need results of bloods, echo, any other tests from the last year or two. Need to clarify the home and family situation. We could get caught here with her stuck in hospital and not able to go anywhere. Hmmm. This is going to take a while to sort out. We’d better postpone her op. Hopefully we can get someone else to take her place on the list…… I just wish patients understood why they need to get a proper GP.”

    I feel a failure. But the system of Medicare payments has failed our patient.

    Modern medicine can perform extraordinary things. But the major challenge of healthcare in the 21st century is coordinating all the ‘simple’ tasks: managing the evaluation, treatment and coordination of multiple chronic conditions in the elderly.   While patients and families must play a role, a single health professional needs to coordinate what is going on. And they should be paid for the value of that role. In Australia, the General Practitioner is the key to achieving this increasingly complex challenge. But Medicare does not support this role, and is increasingly undermining it.

    Medicare is based on Fee-for Service payments. Services are defined on the Medicare Benefits Schedule. So a patient seeing a GP for a standard consultation can claim a standard rebate. For one-off patient problems, the Medicare system has worked well, and provides a baseline level of access to medical services. But patients have sets of inter-related problems. Bizarrely, Medicare does not reinforce the most important and valuable service that a GP can provide – that of co-ordinating and supervising all the various interventions by hospitals, clinics, specialists, allied health professionals and so on. The GP is not rewarded for providing a clear overview of what is going on, both FOR the patient, and ABOUT the patient (with their permission) to all those treating her/him.

    Our health system is like a large collection of highly talented musicians all attempting to play a complex symphony. The GP should be the conductor of the healthcare orchestra, but they are not recognised (nor paid) for their crucial role of keeping everyone playing together. It is little wonder that the healthcare system often fails to function effectively or efficiently.

    Some suggest that the whole Medicare Fee-for-Service structure should be completely reorganised and redesigned, with staff employed on salaries.   It is entertaining to talk about what a ‘perfect’ system would be like. But it is also nice to dream of peace in the Middle East.

    Attempts have been made to provide special payments for the long-term management of particular (complex) conditions such as diabetes. These initiatives are a step in the right direction, but their aims have been seen as cost-cutting, rather than quality-improvement. Regardless, these schemes are fundamentally flawed because the complexity is not so much the disease itself, but the multiple ‘simple’ problems that occur together in the same patient. Or as William Osler, the ‘Father of Modern Medicine’ said, “The most important thing to know is not the disease that the patient has, but the patient who has the disease”.

    Every system has advantages and disadvantages. Our current Fee-for-Service based Medicare system works well for simple one-off consultations.   It also has the advantage of being relatively easy to understand and administer.   The improvement most needed for Medicare is to modify the existing MBS schedule to provide recognition and payment for the Service that patients need.

    There needs to be a new Fee (i.e. an MBS Item number) for ‘Supervising and Coordinating care’ for an extended period of time, over and above the current system based on separate episodes of care.

    What would be the features of such a Fee?: –

    • The item would be paid to a single GP nominated by a patient (with the GPs agreement) to be their ‘Supervising Practitioner’ for an extended period (e.g. twelve months).
    • The new item would pay for an initial ‘health care planning consultation’, and then ongoing supervision of the patient’s care for the twelve months. Assuming both patient and GP are happy, the role would then continue as long as the patient was ‘on the books’ of that GP.
    • ‘Normal’ (one-off) consultations would continue as now, with the patient able to choose anyone to attend, but with a requirement that any service provided under Medicare would include providing a report to the ‘Supervising Practitioner’.
    • The Supervising Practitioner would be responsible for maintaining the patients record (i.e. receiving and filing the above) and (with the patient’s consent) providing necessary information to other appropriate practitioners.
    • The fee would be scaled for increasing clinical complexity. More complex patients may require a ‘Planning Consultation’ more frequently, such as three-monthly. There could also be a loading for rural, remote, frail elderly or ‘challenging’ patients.
    • An ‘old-style’ GP practice, providing the valuable service of coordinating and supervising a patient’s long-term health care, may be able to derive (say) 20% of their income from this payment.  A medical centre providing single-consultation without ongoing commitment would not gain the coordinating fee.

    This plan would reinforce the strengths of Australia’s existing system of GPs being the foundation of the healthcare system. It rewards GPs who attract patients who are healthy and use self-maintenance to avoid medical consultations.  It provides a framework to encourage GPs to move to underserviced areas where they will gain income for having patients ‘on their books’. It acts to shift the balance away from high-activity clinics focussed on short-term one-off consultations.  It reinforces the status and importance of good patient-centred medical care.  It might also encourage GPs to develop models of care less dependent on requiring the patient to physically attend the consultation.   This may particularly help complex patients such as disabled, frail aged, or residential care patients.

    The cost of this new item could be offset by removing some of the current ‘add-on’ programs that are costly to administer and do not necessarily or systematically encourage long-term supervision of care.  It would also result in a reduction of waste because it would reduce duplication and provide a single place of reference about the patient’s health care.  Treasury would be delighted to know that this particular part of the healthcare budget was fixed – each Australian could only generate one fee annually.

    The system would enhance the status, rewards, and professional satisfaction for ‘traditional’ GPs as the foundation of the healthcare system. This may encourage more young doctors into general practice, by formalising a position of the ‘supervisory GP’; the GP’s involvement in high-stakes decision-making (such as planning complex surgery, or care at the end of life) would be established. This would clarify decision-making in hospitals considerably.   Most importantly, it would improve long-term patient care.

    This modification to Medicare maintains the positive aspects of the Fee For Service system, but rewards important long-term patient care that is not funded by the current system.  It can be implemented as a modification of the current system without major redesign, but would nevertheless have major positive ramifications.

    The Medicare system is imperfect. Some dream of major reform and wholesale redesign. Maybe that can happen in the long-term.

    But in the meantime, who is your GP?

    Associate Professor Ross Kerridge is an Anaesthetist and Perioperative Physician at John Hunter Hospital, a large teaching hospital in Newcastle. He is Associate professor at University of Newcastle and a member of AMA NSW State Council. These are his personal opinions.

     

     

     

  • John Dwyer. Pseudoscience and health care.

    Current Affairs 

    The catalyst for my need to share with you frustrations associated with the penetration of pseudoscience into Australian health care and the poor protection of consumers from same, was generated by the release of the details of the long awaited Free Trade agreement between Australia and China.

    We now know that Chinese medicine was the subject of a side letter from Australia’s Trade Minister, Andrew Robb, to the Chinese government, which outlined plans to strengthen cooperation on traditional medicine, which among other things, could open the door for hundreds of contractual service providers from China to be officially registered to work here. The CEO of the Acupuncture and Chinese Medicine Association was delighted by the news, “We do know that the Chinese government has set globalisation of traditional Chinese medicine as a major priority and they’ve invested a lot of funding into this process”. Minister Robb also noted the opportunities that would be available for Australian manufacturers of supplements and “Complementary” medicines to penetrate the huge Chinese market.

    The above association has dismissed concerns raised by this policy noting that practitioners of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) in Australia must be registered by the Australian Health Practitioners Regulatory Agency (AHPRA) which has established a TCM board to protect consumers from inadequate practitioners. AHPRA has, however, been distressingly unsuccessful in protecting consumer from pseudoscience. What do I mean by “pseudoscience”? Concepts that, in reality, are pre-scientific “belief” systems. They are not supported and could never be supported by any credible scientific evidence. Such concepts are an affront to our understanding of physiology and pathology. Homeopathy is a good example.

    The previous federal government made a big mistake in deciding that practitioners of Chiropractic, Osteopathy and Traditional Chinese Medicine should be nationally registered as was required of many other health professionals. Intense lobbying saw Tanya Plibersek agree that chiropractors could call themselves doctors. Hard to believe but as constituted neither AHPRA nor its subspecialty boards have any authority to limit the scope of practice of registrants. They can only respond to complaints about individuals and even that takes many months to resolve. This is a major problem as pseudoscientific beliefs and practices dominate all three of these newly registered professions.

    The chiropractic profession is polarised. About 30% of chiropractors limit their care to evidence based treatments for definite muscle and bone problems particularly those effecting the back and neck. However recent research found that 70% of chiropractitioners’ websites claim to be able to help patients with many conditions not associated with any discernible musculo-skeletal problems. They make these claims based on their acceptance of the reality of “subluxation” theory as espoused by their founder in 1895. The belief is that there is associated with the spinal cord an invisible but vital energy the integrity of which is essential to health and the functioning of body systems remote from the spinal area. Minor, indeed undetectable, distortions of the normal spinal cord anatomy, (”subluxation”) interfere with this innate energy causing disease. Subtle “adjustments” of the spinal cord anatomy by chiropractors can correct the flow and restore health. The executive of the professions peak body, the Chiropractic Association of Australia, supports this concept. There is no credible scientific evidence to support this theory.

    Particularly disturbing is the harnessing of this theory and its implications to bring chiropractic into paediatrics. Hundreds of registered chiropractors claim to be able to assist children with Autism, Asthma, bed-wetting, developmental disorders, colic, fever and over 60 other conditions. Many chiropractors combine their adjustments with a range of naturopathic treatments such as homeopathy and a nonsense called “Applied Kinesiology” wherein palpation of muscles can allow one to diagnose a range of diseases. One feels sorry for the chiropractors trying to stick to evidence based care.

    There are also major concerns regarding the practices of many registered Osteopaths. Many osteopath’s websites talk about “Osteopathy of the Cranial Field” and the wonders of “Visceral Manipulation”. The former involves feeling for pulsations in the head associated with the propulsion of cerebro-spinal fluid around the brain, the nature of which diagnoses a disease process and subsequent cranial manipulation is used to fix the problem. The latter involves pushing around the contents of one’s abdomen to set up a chain reaction of pulsations that corrects remote, disease producing distortions.

    The “Friends of Science in Medicine”, of which I am the current president, has been established to fight this penetration of pseudoscience into our health care delivery system. More than a thousand leaders in science and clinical medicine in this country support us. We have had a voluminous correspondence with the AHPRA executive team and the appropriate Boards in an attempt to have these regulatory authorities protect the public from such misleading claims and practices, which is their statutory obligation one would have thought. The task is that much more difficult as many members of the regulatory boards actually practice such pseudoscience. We have made no progress as AHPRA does not have the authority, (or the in house expertise), to issue directives re the acceptable scope of practice for its registrants.

    Which brings us to TCM, a tradition founded on pseudoscientific principles. The theoretical basis of acupuncture for example, is pre-scientific and involves imaginary structures and vitalistic forces. An undetectable, immaterial life force, “qi”, is said to flow through channels (meridians) on the body. Disease occurs when the flow of qi becomes blocked. Inserting needles at specific acupoints on those meridians somehow restores the flow of qi. No such structures and forces have ever been identified by anatomists or physiologists. The World Health Organisation has recently taken down its Acupuncture website for revision after intensive analysis of all the credible research on the subject concluded that Acupuncture was no more than a superb placebo. Interestingly the number of TCM practitioners in China has plummeted in recent decades while the number of doctors trained in the “Western” tradition has soared.

    Recently the National Health and Medical Research Council, our peak clinical science body, working with a committee set up, on government instructions, by the Chief Medical Officer, analysed the scientific data available for 18 popular “Alternative” practices (Homeopathy, Reflexology, Iridology, Applied Kinesiology Reiki etc.) The investigation found no credible scientific evidence that any of them were effective. Unfortunately the equally implausible antiscientific practices described above for Chiropractic, Osteopathy and TCM were excluded from the review because their practitioners now had national registration and therefore must be practising evidence based care!

    Apart from pseudoscience, Australian health consumers are disadvantaged by misinformation from the very profitable Complementary and Alternative Medicine (CAM) industry. The vast majority of Australians get no benefit from taking vitamin supplements, probiotics, detoxification regimens etc. The impression given by advertising is that you can neutralise an unhealthy lifestyle with something out of a bottle. We spend three billion dollars a year as a result of this misleading urging. Now we will see those marketing these supplements urge middle class Chinese to use products that most will not need. In return our government will actively support the further penetration of TCM into our health system.

    None of the above implies that we should not subject strong anecdotal and plausible evidence of a possible beneficial effect of a traditional herb or concoction to rigorous scientific evaluation. After all that is how much of our modern drug repertoire was developed. Research dollars and health care dollars are precious and in short supply so despite the cries of the alternative industry that their practices would be found to be beneficial after more research, not a further penny should be spent on the pseudosciences. In fact billions of dollars have been spent because of the widespread use of CAM justified attempts at validation.. The National Institutes of Health in the USA has spent more than 2 billion dollars on CAM in recent years and found very little that was useful.

    There are many barriers to further protecting consumers from fraudulent and misleading health care claims and practices. General health literacy is inadequate for a modern society, the Therapeutic Goods Authority is a “toothless tiger” and lacks the authority, resources and political support to adequately protect the public and our pharmacists, men and women trained in, and promising to adhere to, evidence based medicine have stores full of products that they know lure buyers with false or exaggerated claims. A number of our universities give undeserved credibility to pseudoscience. At a recent open day for the TCM course at one university, visitors were shown by faculty how “Cupping” could be used to treat disease and all who attended went on their way with a clip to put on a certain spot on their ears to prevent depression!

    Sharing my frustrations has been cathartic but there is one more I will document before stopping. After the NH&MRC report on the uselessness of Homeopathy the government announced that it would no longer allow taxpayers dollars to be used to supplement private health insurers coverage for homeopathy. FSM wrote to Christopher Pyne requesting that the more than $6000 subsidy paid to students studying to be Homeopaths in tertiary colleges should be withdrawn. After all how can you justify taxpayers supporting students training to implement treatments you accept are worthless? Minister Pyne replied that he was confident the homeopathy course met required academic standards.

    Why is it that governments of all persuasions will not give regulatory agencies the resources and authority to better protect the public and contribute to efforts to insure that our health care is cost effective? The only evidence-based conclusion is that the political power of vested interests is outweighing the imperatives provided by modern science.

    John Dwyer is Emeritus Professor of Medicine, UNSW.

     

     

     

     

  • John Menadue. Triple-dipping by Big Pharma.

    Current Affairs

    The major pharmaceutical companies in Australia, almost all foreign owned, keep pushing their luck at the expense of Australian consumers and taxpayers.

    In my series on health reform, I pointed to a minimum of $2 b. p.a. that we could save in drug costs if we had a government purchasing system like the New Zealanders. In the last budget the Minister for Health made a few changes around the edges but the high prices charged by Big Pharma will continue.

    It is the same story around the world. Many American consumers find it worthwhile to cross into Canada to buy pharmaceuticals.

    It is no surprise to know that Big Pharma is also highly influential in the secret negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). It is quite a scandal that we are kept in the dark on a trade arrangement which could have quite serious consequences for Australia.

    Apart from the secrecy there are major concerns. As Choice Magazine has pointed out ‘The leaked chapters of the TPP indicate that the agreement may contain an investor-state dispute settlement clause(ISDS), which allows foreign corporations to sue Australia’s government for loss of future profits.’ Dr Matthew Rimmer, Associate Professor at the ANU College of Law, has said ‘Australian consumers have been betrayed. The intellectual property chapter of the TPP is a monster. The proposals in respect of copyright law, trademark law, patent law and data-protection would hit Australian consumers hard’.

    There is major concern that the Australian government could become more vulnerable to law suits from multinational companies and particularly, Big Pharma. As Choice has pointed out, after the introduction of tobacco plain packaging rules in Australia, cigarette companies unsuccessfully challenged the new laws twice in the High Court and lost. Philip Morris then announced its decision to challenge plain packaging again, this time under international law by invoking a 1993 bilateral investment treatment that included ISDS provisions between Australia and Hong Kong.

    And we know from experience, that US corporations have massively disproportionate lawyering power compared to our legal defence resources in Australia.

    Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Prize winning economist, told us recently on the ABC about the benefits to the drug companies of TPP. He said ‘I talked to all the other trade negotiators involved in the drug provisions [of the TPP] and we know that the US is negotiating for a position that would make it much more difficult to get access to generic medicines and that would drive up drug prices.

    Then there is the problem of tax avoidance. The Australian Parliamentary Library told a recent Senate Committee that in total the top five pharmaceutical suppliers to the PBS in Australia received $2.8 b. in public money. Their total Australian sales were $4.8 b. But research found their combined profits were only $50 m. They paid $53 m. in tax between them, or roughly one cent in tax for every dollar earned in Australia. For a full report by the SMH for June 15, see link here. http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/pharmaceutical-companies-called-on-to-explain-tiny-tax-contribution-20150602-ghf59s.html

    We are really in triple-dipping country here – high prices for Australian consumers, attempts through TPP to weaken Australia’s bargaining position and widespread tax avoidance.

    I think we are being taken for a ride.