So much for Australian sovereignty. We are locked out of repairing key US components of our subs’ computer systems, and the Coalition has committed our submarine fleet to the extraordinarily dangerous role of helping the US conduct surveillance in the South China Sea. (more…)
Brian Toohey
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Problems with new F-35 fighter planes shouldn’t fly under the radar (Canberra Times Sep 1, 2020)
Defence gives an average price of less than $126 million for Australia’s 72 F-35s when fully delivered. But the Australian Strategy Policy Institute estimates the sustainment costs to be triple those of the F-18 fighters it replaces.
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ASIO and AFP have questions to answer
ASIO and the AFP have questions to answer in the wake of reported raids on the homes and offices of Chinese journalists and a Labor backbencher.
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Australia’s national security laws leave us on a similar path to Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s new national security laws are attracting well-deserved condemnation. It’s a pity that there hasn’t been greater recognition that Australia’s own national security laws share some common features with those in Hong Kong.
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Folly of following the Five Eyes Anglo-Saxon relic
The main countries comprising this electronic espionage group have made an abysmal hash of responding to the economic and health impacts of Covid-19. Yet the Australian government has chosen them to develop a “strategic” economic response to the Covid 19 crisis.
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BRIAN TOOHEY. The man who thought he owned a Prime Minister
‘This is the gravest risk to the nation’s security there has ever been.’Sir Arthur Tange, 6 November 19751. Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, the son of a former solicitor-general, was initially attracted to the notion that Arthur Tange was a dedicated public servant. He later discovered that this public servant presumed he was entitled to withhold crucial information from prime ministers. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY Chained to the chariot wheels of the Pentagon
The British monarchy has no say in Australian government decisions. It’s a different story with the head of the American Republic. A US president presides over a military-industrial-intelligence complex with a huge say in whether Australian governments go to war, buy particular weapons, host US-run military and intelligence bases and ban trade with certain countries. The upshot is that Australia has now surrendered much of its sovereignty to the US. (more…)
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Is Pine Gap for Arms Control or the US fighting machine?
Labor governments surrendered Australian sovereignty in other ways by agreeing in 2008 to renew the lease on North West Cape without any conditions on how US nuclear attack submarines could use the base[i]. This could include undermining China’s ability to deter a nuclear war.[ii] Labor subsequently agreed to let the US install long-range ground sensors at NWC to help conduct space warfare against Russia and China in violation of Australia’s support for a treaty outlawing the militarisation of space.[iii] The public were not told about the significance of these developments, nor about similar changes at the Pine Gap satellite base near Alice Springs. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. Teresa May’s rush to judgment on nerve agents
The British Prime Minister Teresa May failed to produce any evidence that the Russian state used a nerve agent called Novichok before she announced measures to punish the Kremlin. At least Tony Blair famously produced a “dodgy dossier” claiming Saddam Hussein possessed a deadly arsenal of chemical and biological weapons. The Bush White House peddled similar nonsense masquerading as “intelligence”. Politicians and journalists around the world promptly accepted this rubbish as justification for the disastrous invasion of Iraq 2003. There is a risk a new rush to judgement could now be occurring. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. ABC kowtow to government and ASIO on cabinet papers was gutless.
The ABC’s treatment of what it calls one of the “biggest national security breaches in Australian history” is a disgrace. It put the identity of its source at risk, but reported very little from the documents, preferring to talk at length about how it got them and handed them over to the government. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. So just who is a Chinese agent?
Chinese attempts to influence Australian policy haven’t stopped Malcolm Turnbull’s government making increasingly tough criticisms of the nation’s largest trading partner. Despite China’s waning policy influence, the government is introducing onorous espionage and foreign interference legislation to counter the problem. If this stops foreign countries from covertly influencing Australian policy, that’s fine. But the legislation could potentially curtail public discussion and free speech, neither of which is assisted by some commentators and unnamed intelligence sources who brand just about anyone with any contact with China as an “agent of influence”. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. The US doesn’t need Asia
The US doesn’t need to be the dominant power in Asia to maintain its own national security. No amount of wishful thinking can negate this key insight from Hugh White, a leading professor of strategic studies, about the government’s latest foreign policy White Paper. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. Could our new subs sink our new frigates?
Could Australia’s big new $70 billion submarines sink its big new $35 billion frigates? Could the frigates sink the subs? The questions are worth answering before we spend these huge sums on potentially vulnerable frigates and subs. The subs cost, in particular, is unnecessarily high due to the political decision to design and build bespoke subs in Australia. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. PM walks with energy dinosaurs
The person known as Malcolm Turnbull who took over as Prime Minister is gone. That’s the one who declared immediately after getting the job that Australians have a wonderfully exciting future provided they recognise “change is our friend, if we are agile and smart enough to take advantage of it”. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. Building submarines in SA simply sinks Australian dollars
Despite claims to the contrary by the defence industry minister Christopher Pyne, this sector is not driving growth in the economy or jobs. A defence economics specialist Mark Thompson has debunked these claims in a careful analysis just released by Australian Strategic Policy Institute. Thompson concludes, “If we are going to use defence spending to grow the economy, we should get the most out of it, and that might mean importing more equipment to maximise access to global supply chains”. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. Prevention better than cure when it comes to terror
We shouldn’t trash our own values to support harsh anti-terrorism policies that don’t guarantee more security. There is a wealth of evidence about what does and what does not help to protect us from terrorism, and we’re doing too much of what doesn’t work. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. How to repair neo-liberalism
The policy debate needs fresh ideas to fill the gap left by the lack of popular and political support for the neo-liberal economic agenda. Paul Keating, who championed that agenda, recently said neo-liberal economics “has run into a dead end and had no answer to the contemporary malaise”. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. New Series. We can say ‘no’ to the Americans.
There is nothing wrong with pursuing Australia’s commercial interests and avoiding pointless military gestures demanded by the US. (more…)
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BRIAN TOOHEY. The quality of intelligence advice.
A former top US intelligence official David Gompert has issued a sober warning to those who want to lock Australia into any future war with China. Speaking on Monday, Gompert said a war between the US and China could be so ruinous for both countries and the world that it might seem unthinkable, yet it’s not. He said,
“China and the US are at loggerheads over several regional disputes that could lead to military confrontation . . . If a crisis overheated, both have an incentive to strike enemy forces before being struck by them.”
Gompert, whom President Obama appointed as Deputy Director of National Intelligence in 2009, said China’s losses would greatly exceed those of the US in a war today, but the conflict could still be “prolonged and destructive, yet inconclusive”.
Others argue that an enduring victory could require a horrendous invasion to occupy large areas of the Chinese mainland, then win a decades long gorilla war. (more…)
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Brian Toohey. The $50 b. submarine purchase.
Jon Stanford’s three-part series on the Turnbull government’s determination to spend $50 billion on big new submarines is a welcome contribution to understanding what’s at stake at a time of cuts elsewhere. The decision risks repeating the Hawke government’s disastrous mistake of rejecting a proven design in favour of the bespoke Collins class subs. Stanford’s depiction of the folly of trying to keep the decrepit Collins going until newly designed subs are ready is compelling. Contrary to the 2016 White Paper’s claim, there is no way Australia will have superior subs when it will still operate some of the Collins until around 2040.
This extraordinarily expensive mess would have been avoided if the Rudd government had committed in 2013 to high quality, medium sized, off-the-shelf subs from Europe instead of indulging in fantasies in his 2009 White Paper about Australian subs “tearing a limb” off the Chinese giant. Rudd wanted big subs that could fire cruise missiles into China — the only problem is they would have to make the slow journey back to their Fremantle base to reload before having another insignificant go.
No government has given convincing reasons why Australia needs much bigger subs than are currently available off-the shelf. Instead, they simply rely on assertions that big subs are necessary to achieve the navy’s specified unrefueled range of 19,000 km, Yet they eagerly buy fighter planes with a much smaller range than others available. The latest medium-sized German subs bought by Israel and Singapore are the most advanced conventionally power subs in world. They can go the19,000 km as could versions of France’s medium sized subs.
But big does not guarantee a longer range. The existing Japanese Soryu subs that Tony Abbott wants displace 4200 tones submerged, but can only go 12,000 km. Australia’s Oberons (the Collins’ predecessors) had a 19,000 km range yet were only a little over half the Soryu’s size, as are Israel’s German subs. A newly designed Soryu will have to be much bigger and costlier to achieve this range.
A particularly disturbing aspect of the government’s specifications for the new subs is they don’t need to have independent propulsion – the technology that lets them operate ultra-quietly in a target zone. The French and German contenders have no trouble including AIP in much smaller subs than the existing Soryu and still going the required range if needed. The current Soryu has AIP. Excluding it from newly designed, bigger Soryus would save some weight but at a potentially dangerous cost.
AIP can’t be used for an entire trip to and from an operational area. This is one reason some analysts argue AIP’s importance is overstated, but all modern subs have it. One powerful advantage is it increases the survival chances of a sub and its crew in wartime. Relying in future on using new lithium ion batteries that have to be charged by diesel engines will not make a sub quieter than one using AIP at a crucial stage, even though these batteries won’t have to be used as often as lead acid ones. The comparison may be too strong, but no one would suggest removing ejector seats from fighter jets to reduce weight.
China is relatively weak militarily and well contained. The combined strength of its potential adversaries in waters near China will be enough to counter Chinese subs, especially when they are supported by an extensive array of seabed sensors in the South and East China seas. There is no strategic requirement for Australia to operate subs in either of those seas – even though medium-sized ones could do so. Nor is there any longer a reason for our subs to go on dangerous missions trying to gather relatively minor intelligence around China when closer countries have developed the capacity to do so. Moreover, subs have little role in gathering intelligence these days that overhead platforms don’t do more effectively.
Stanford makes a plausible case that nuclear powered subs would be a better buy if “big” is what is really required. “Nukes” have some advantages, but are not particularly stealthy – when travelling at high speed they create a wake on the surface that can be detected from above. Better sensors and much faster data processing speeds mean that bigger subs, regardless of how they are powered, are becoming easier to detect and destroy. The future for subs lies in smaller, not bigger, ones, particularly drones.
Subs have a useful “sea denial” role in deterring a potential adversary from entering waters countries want to protect. Australia would enhance deterrence for itself and its allies by operating low-cost, medium-sized subs to its immediate north and in the east Indian Ocean. In these circumstances, there is no need for nuclear subs, as the are ill-suited to operating in the shallow archipelagic waters to our north.
In any event, it is absurd to spend $50 billion on the proposed big new subs when more versatile, highly capable combat aircraft cost a lot less.
Brian Toohey is a columnist with the Australian Financial Review specialising in policy, politics and the economy.