Category: Religion

  • Kieran Tapsell. The Royal Commission – Damning with faint understatement.

    The reports issued by the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse at times seem quietly understated.

    The Commission seems to invite readers to draw their own conclusions – damning or otherwise – from the facts the Commission has found.

    This is particularly true of its report into its Case Study No 16, on the Melbourne Response.

    For two years Bishop Geoffrey Robinson and his team developed Towards Healing, a national protocol for dealing with child sex abuse within the Church, in consultation with the Australian bishops, one of whom was George Pell, an auxiliary bishop and later Archbishop of Melbourne.

    Less than a month before the formal approval by Australia’s Catholic bishops, Pell announced his Melbourne Response, which applied only to his Archdiocese. According to Bishop Geoffrey Robinson’s evidence, Pell subsequently claimed that he was the “first” in Australia to introduce such a protocol.

    The Commission relates the reason that Pell gave for not waiting a few weeks to sign up to Towards Healing: the Governor of Victoria, Sir Richard McGarvie and the Premier, Geoff Kennett, “expressed strong views that the Church should act quickly to address the issue.”

    The implication behind this is that Premier Kennett was not prepared to wait a couple of weeks for the national protocol to be rolled out. The reader of the report is left to ask: really?

    Pell accepted that by announcing his own protocol a few weeks before Towards Healing, the latter was no longer a “national response”.

    The report says that a consequence of this was that “like complaints may not be treated in a like manner and consistency of outcome would not be achieved. Because Towards Healing did not cap the financial payment, it may have and has resulted in more generous payments to survivors than the Melbourne Response, which was initially capped at $50,000.”

    The Commission doesn’t say that the cap was the motivation behind Pell’s actions, but if the Kennett excuse sounds implausible, the cap reason does not.

    Despite denials that the purpose of the compensation aspect of the Melbourne Response was to discourage civil suits against the Church, the Commission found that many people would be dissuaded from going to court by the Archdiocese’s statement that any such court proceedings would be ‘strenuously defended’. In the Ellis case, Pell, who was then Archbishop of Sydney, spent some $750,000 on lawyers’ fees doing just that.

    The morality of the Church relying on its privileged position as an unincorporated association to avoid liability towards victims of clergy sex abuse is not left up in the air. The report quotes a letter from Laurie Rolls of Catholic Church Insurances that a particular claim should be met because “the priest was acting in the course of the ‘business’ of the Archdiocese. We would then regard him as a person for whose conduct the Archdiocese was responsible.”

    The Commission notes that such acceptance of legal responsibility may have been inconsistent with the Ellis case, but goes on to say that “there is no doubt that it reflects an appropriate moral approach and accords with the expectation many people have of the legal responsibility that the Catholic Church and other churches and institutions should accept.”

    Bishop Bill Morris of Toowoomba had adopted this moral approach when he asked a retired High Court judge to advise him on the appropriate levels of compensation that should be paid for abuse in his diocese. Toowoomba’s average payout was $382,433. Melbourne’s was $32,000. Bishop Morris was sacked, ostensibly for other reasons, while Pell was called to the Vatican to look after its finances.

    The Commission found that the Melbourne Archdiocese had net assets of $222 million, plus a fund for its various activities of $106 million, and that its current surplus was in the “millions”.  Readers of the report are left to draw their own conclusions: compensating the victims of sexual abuse by clergy was at best very low on the Melbourne Archdiocese’s priorities, and at worst it was an example of venal greed at the expense of victims.

    In this modern rendition of the parable of the Good Samaritan the man in the ditch was not left there by robbers, but after being sexually assaulted by colleagues of the priests and bishops, they threw him a few shekels as they passed him by.

    Some of the lawyers who helped set up and became part of Pell’s Melbourne Response came in for some more direct treatment. An eminent Melbourne lawyer, Peter O’Callaghan QC (Queen’s Counsel), was appointed by Pell to be the first “Independent Commissioner” under the Melbourne Response.

    In its quiet way, the Royal Commission painstakingly crossed out “independent” from his title. O’Callaghan was supposed to make findings as to whether or not the abuse had occurred, and that was all. But he involved himself in the counselling and compensation aspects, and in trying to “flush out”, for the benefit of the Archdiocese’s solicitors, whether a couple of claimants intended to take common law proceedings.

    The whole process of the Melbourne Response was covered in conflicts of interest and problems of keeping confidentiality.

    Unlike Towards Healing that required reporting to the police, the Melbourne Response had no such requirement, but it would encourage the victim to report. This was in line with the Vatican’s interpretation of canon law. Cardinal Castrillon Hoyos, the Prefect of the Congregation for the Clergy, told the Irish bishops in 1998: they were not to hinder the victim from going to the police, but bishops themselves were not to do the reporting.

    O’Callaghan’s job was to encourage the victim to go to the police. The Royal Commission examined two cases, where O’Callaghan claimed that he was giving victims appropriate information as to whether they should report the matter to the police. The Commission’s conclusion was that he had discouraged them from doing so, and that “this advice was not appropriate”.

    The Commission gave us a preview of future hearings. It stated that it was “troubled” by the fact that Archbishop Little of Melbourne had made two unsuccessful attempts, in 1990 and 1994 for the Vatican to dismiss Fr Michael Glennon who had been convicted and jailed for child sexual abuse offences, but a similar application by Archbishop Pell in 1998 was successful.

    It pointed out that it took “eight years from the time of the Archdiocese’s first petition, and 20 years from his first conviction, for Father Glennon to be dismissed from the priesthood. We are concerned that the application of canon law by members of the relevant dicasteries of the Holy See operated to obfuscate the removal of (a) priest who had been convicted of child sexual abuse from the clerical state… The role of canon law will be reviewed further in Royal Commission hearings.”

    Just prior to the publication of the report, Bishop Geoffrey Robinson had told the Commission “the major obstacle to a better response from the Church has been the Vatican.” It will be interesting to see how the Commission deals with those at the top of the ecclesiastical tree.

    Kieran Tapsell is a retired solicitor and barrister with degrees in Theology and Law, and author of Potiphar’s Wife: The Vatican’s Secret and Child Sexual Abuse.

     

     

  • Kieran Tapsell. Keeping the Australian people in the dark.

    On 22 April 2013, Francis Sullivan, the CEO of the Truth, Justice and Healing Council (“TJHC”) that represents the Australian Catholic Church at the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, said: “The Australian community has been kept in the dark for too long.” Indeed it has, and since the setting up of the Royal Commission, the Australian Church has been open and frank about some its own failures. But on one critical issue, it has failed to be frank, and has continued the policy set by Pope Benedict XVI in his 2010 pastoral letter to the people of Ireland, of blaming negligent and misguided bishops for the cover up while ignoring the role of the Vatican and canon law on their behaviour.

    In his statement to the Royal Commission tendered on 24 August 2015, retired Bishop Geoffrey Robinson, the architect of the Towards Healing protocol, said: “However great the faults of the Australian bishops have been over the last thirty years, it still remains true that the major obstacle to a better response from the Church has been the Vatican.”

    You won’t find a word about that in the Church’s 206 page submission to the Royal Commission, dated 30 September 2013, described by Francis Sullivan three days later as “the most comprehensive document ever produced by the Church dealing with child sexual abuse” and as “a warts-and-all history, going back many decades.”

    One might have thought that after Robinson gave his evidence, the Church might at least have acknowledged the biggest wart of all. But no, in a submission dated just three days later, on 27 August 2015, the Church repeats the same Benedictine refrain of blaming some in positions of authority for covering up, moving perpetrators around, and failing to report these crimes to the police. There is not a word about the role of the Vatican and canon law.

    The submission makes no mention of the pontifical secret that canon law imposes on all allegations of clergy sexual abuse of children. It is true that Bishop Robinson had adopted a lax view of the restrictions imposed by it, saying that he considered that it only prevented giving the information to the media. That interpretation was never supported, and still is not supported in Rome or by any of the canonical authorities. His unsupported interpretation is understandable because on other issues he was even prepared to defy canon law where its response to child sexual abuse was inadequate.

    There is one positive aspect to the Church’s latest submission. It had previously supported the system of “blind reporting”, where victims’ identities were concealed when they did not want the abuse reported to the police. Following the Protea Report of the NSW Police Integrity Commission, the Church now supports uniform legislation throughout Australia requiring all allegations of sexual abuse to be reported, irrespective of the wishes of the victim.

    Uniform legislation will get the Church off the canonical hook, because in 2010 the Vatican announced a dispensation to the pontifical secret by requiring all civil reporting laws to be obeyed. This latest submission from the Australian Church is just as misleading as its 2013 one, because it says nothing about the current obligations under canon law to observe the pontifical secret in most Australian States and Territories where the dispensation does not apply because of the current lack of reporting legislation.

    There is another relevant aspect of canon law, which the latest submission does not mention. On 22 February 2013, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (“CDF”) wrote to the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference (“ACBC”) about its Australian Church Guidelines which it had sent to the Vatican in accordance with the direction given to all Bishops Conferences in 2011 by Cardinal Levada. The CDF reminded the ACBC that the procedures under Towards Healing can apply to all other Church personnel, but the CDF has exclusive jurisdiction over clerics. When an allegation of child sexual abuse has been made against a cleric, the bishop is required under Canon 1717 to conduct a preliminary investigation, and then to send all the information to the CDF which will then instruct the bishop what to do.

    The CDF’s letter is silent about the situation where those allegations have been forwarded to the police, and the police are conducting an investigation. Towards Healing provides that if a police investigation is being undertaken, then all actions under the protocol are suspended until it is completed. But the Vatican has not indicated what is to happen when the bishop is obliged to conduct a preliminary inquiry. On the face of it, the inquiry is to continue in parallel with the civil one. This poses an enormous potential for interference in a police investigation. The bishop or his delegates would have to interview the same witnesses as the police, and perhaps would do so before the police did.

    There is a further problem: when the Vatican spokesman, Fr Lombardi, in 2010 announced the requirement to obey all civil laws on reporting, he said that such reporting should take place “in good time, and not during or subsequent to the canonical trial”. It seems from a recent announcement by the CDF in the case of Fr Inzoli in Italy that the pontifical secret applies once the preliminary investigation starts, and reporting to the civil authorities is thereafter prohibited: see https://publish.pearlsandirritations.com/blog/?p=3524.

    While the Australian Church advocacy of comprehensive national legislation on reporting is to be welcomed, the deafening silence on the effect of canon law in its latest submission is remarkable for an organization that now prides itself on being transparent and exposing its “warts and all” problems with child sexual abuse. The biggest wart of all is, and has always been, canon law.

    Kieran Tapsell is the author of Potiphar’s Wife: The Vatican’s Secret and Child Sexual Abuse (ATF Press 2014)

  • Bruce Kaye. Refugees in Australia and the Good Samaritan.

     

    When I was a teenager a famous preacher of the day, Dr Gordon Powell, was the minister at St Stephens Presbyterian Church Macquarie Street Sydney. I recall hearing some of his sermons and in particular a sermon from a series of sermons he preached on the “Hard Sayings of Jesus”. He remarked at the beginning of the series that the really hard sayings of Jesus were not those that were complex or oblique. Rather the hardest sayings of Jesus were those whose meaning was all too clear. The difficulty was in how to work out those sayings in everyday life.

    Similarly the Prime Minister’s statement on Thursday (10 September) that Australia will take in 12,000 extra refugees who are fleeing the conflict in Syria and Iraq. Christians in this country should warmly applaud this surprising but very welcome change of policy by the government.

    There are many complexities and concerns in the implications of the Prime Minister’s statement. Already there are questions about priorities in selection of refugees and whether Christians should be given some priority.   It is abundantly clear that Christians in eastern Mediterranean countries have been severely persecuted for several decades. There used to be a large Palestinian Christian community but it has been practically obliterated in the last 40 years.

    This language about the selection of refugees brought immediate reactions in the media and some declared that if this was to be the pattern then that would be the end of social unity in Australia. This kind of reaction is understandable but the government in its policy statements has not endorsed this kind of selection. Indeed the source of refugees is quite specific. They will come from those fleeing the conflict in Syria and Iraq. ‘Our focus will be on those most in need – the women, children and families of persecuted minorities who have sought refuge from the conflict in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey’.

    But the war in Syria is complicated   Ross Burns Australian Ambassador to Syria (1984-87) points out that the

    ‘Syrian conflict is an increasingly multi-layered scene where violence on all sides has risen to catastrophic proportions. It began as a citizens’ revolt against a brutally repressive government but has since become a multilayered civil war in which a bewildering range of Islamist forces have competed to lead the fight against an oppressive regime. All parties to the conflict have their backers outside Syria with some contributing military resupply, others turning a blind eye to movements into Syria of fighters and arms.’

    The first few years of the conflict saw fighting extend principally into Muslim majority areas of the country while many minority groups (among them Christians, Druze and Alawis) found shelter in areas under government control. Many Christians, in particular, became apologists for the regime in its efforts to project abroad its case that it was fighting the threat of ‘Islamic extremists’—a threat which was largely awakened as a result of the regime’s appetite right from the start for violence and repression as the answer to any form of dissent.

    However the most important complications in this matter are likely to arise here in Australia in the reception and settling of these refugees. This is not a straightforward matter.

    1. Not all in Australia support it or will not like some aspect of the way it works out.
    2. for good practical reasons not all can directly help.
    3. Some simply don’t want to be involved because they don’t approve of the government decision
    4. Some are fearful of the effects on their local community. The member for parliament for the seat of Dawson in Queensland, George Christensen, has expressed strong concern on the affect such an influx would have on his electorate where there is already significant unemployment.
    5. Some point to the many disadvantaged in our community already – will they be neglected? Tony Abbot said these issues will be dealt with in the way the project is handled. That will not be easy.
    6. There will be some prejudice against Muslim people and opposition to more coming – no doubt we will see religious and ethnic stereotyping as this programme goes forward.

    All of these concerns have to be confronted and dealt with both sympathetically and constructively. These concerns cannot be simply brushed aside. They must be recognised and addressed.

    How we as a society do this will be vital for the good of those who come and also for those who are the existing Australians.

    There is an underlying moral question in all this. Why should we be doing all this anyway? Ought we to not be protecting our way of life as a model to other nations?

    For us as Christians and as a Christian community there is however a simple and unavoidable challenge.

    Our Archbishop put his finger on it in his excellent article in the SMH last Thursday.

    The parable of the Good Samaritan is an incendiary critique of discrimination based on race, ethnicity and religion. Listening to the story for the first time, many would have been incensed that Jesus had used the word “good” to describe a despised Samaritan. Yet it never crosses the Samaritan’s mind in the story to ask about the religion or background of the man he finds beaten and dying on the side of the road. His response is immediate, generous and unquestioning.

    Our ability to show love and mercy and provide a warm welcome to anyone in distress, regardless of their faith, must serve as a counterpoint to the brutality of IS. Our response needs to be immediate, generous and unquestioning regardless of race, ethnicity or religion.

    Three elements collide in the story.

    1. The context of complacent religion of the lawyer. He keeps the form but lacks the moral substance.
    1. The ordered complacency of the Levite and the Priest who place observance of religious practices before the moral challenge of their faith.
    1. The indiscriminate compassion of the despised ethnically offensive half foreigner was indeed the true neighbour:
      1. Which of these three, do you think, was a neighbor to the man who fell into the hands of the robbers?” He said, “The one who showed him mercy.” Jesus said to him, “Go and do likewise.”

    Extending mercy and compassion to the stranger is clearly central to Jesus’ understanding of how to conduct our lives.

    SO WHAT TO DO IN THE PESENT CHALLENGE

    Don’t panic – this is going to be a long haul both in Syria and Iraq and in Australia

    1. We have a record in Australia of adaptation and continuity in our basic values
    2. Those values are clearly embedded in our constitution, laws, institutions and habits – but we need to be constantly strengthening them, especially when we are confronted with a challenge such as this.
    3. The meeting with faith community leaders and settlements service providers with the Prime Minister is a good start in coordinating appropriate systems for settlement.
    4. Our Anglican Church has been on the front foot in this crisis .We should run with our fellow Christians
    5. The Primate, Archbishop Freier and service organisations of our church have declared their support
    6. The Archbishop of Sydney, Glenn Davies, has made public comment and in a letter sent to all parishes given an unprecedented challenge to parishes and organisations in the diocese to be actively involved.

    So what about us and our parish?

    For the parish as a whole

    I believe the Parish Council should lead the way in developing a strategy we can all be involved in according to our circumstances.

    For each of us as a base line we could

    1. Keep informed
    2. Pray – keep our response to this consciously before God
    3. Think what you can offer directly or indirectly e.g. help someone else, or some organisation like Anglicare
    4. Support the Parish Council to keep up to the challenge for the parish as a whole
    5. Speak up for generosity with your friends. It may well be that generosity will be at a discount in public and private conversation in the months ahead.
    6. Support our political representatives so that this task stays at the forefront of their attention.

    This challenge lies clearly before us. Millions of people are refugees. Our government has laid it open for us as citizens to be involved in a national contribution. Whatever we do we cannot avoid the challenge of compassion that lies before us. We can discuss and debate the means and the details, but as Christian people we have a clear choice in this matter.

    We must choose whether we will be complacent religious or Samaritans,

    A Sermon preached at St Michael’s Anglican Church, Vaucluse. 13 September 2015 by The Revd. Dr Bruce Kaye AM. He is Adjunct Research Professor, Centre for Public and Contextual Theology, Charles Sturt University.

     

     

     

     

    [1] Media Statement by Prime Minister 14 September 2015 http://www.pm.gov.au/media/2015-09-09/syrian-and-iraqi-humanitarian-crisis

     

    [2] John Menadue – Pearls and Irritations. publish.pearlsandirritations.com/blog. Posted on 11/09/2015 by John Menadue

     

    [3] Article in Sydney Morning Herald, September 9, 2015. http://www.smh.com.au/comment/open-the-door-widely-to-syrian-refugees-20150909-gjij0h.html

  • John Menadue. Refugees, the community and civil society

    It has been thrilling to see the warm response of many people, and particularly the Germans, to refugees fleeing from war-torn Syria and other countries. Over ten million people have been forced to flee their homes in Syria.

    Pope Francis has appealed to every Catholic parish, religious community or sanctuary in Europe to take in a family of refugees, saying that he would set the example by hosting two families in parishes inside the Vatican. With 20,000 or more Catholic ‘places’ in Europe, that could provide sanctuary for 200,000 refugees on the basis of 10 Syrians per parish.

    To undertake a little more arithmetic, the Australian Catholic church has 1,200 parishes. If each parish took 10 people for say up to six months, that would provide a home and sanctuary for 12,000 Syrians.

    The Catholic bishop of Port Pirie, Greg O’Kelly, has taken up the offer of the Mayor of Port Pirie to take 20 or 30 families and house them in Catholic premises in his diocese.

    In addition of course there are many more Christian churches that could provide places. I am sure that Muslim communities and the community generally would also respond very generously. Maybe Hillsong will respond.

    Not only would community action provide help for people in great need, it would work as an antidote to the poison that has been spread about ‘illegals’ over many years.

    But for the community to respond effectively there must be government leadership in shaping the framework for community participation. Why should we leave most of the implementation to governments in housing new arrivals in old army barracks?

    We could draw on past experience with the Community Refugee Resettlement Scheme which grew out of the Indochina resettlement program. Churches, community-based groups and others supported the resettlement of refugees and their integration and participation in the mainstream community. As with all programs, there were teething problems but the scheme was reviewed and could be adapted to meet present needs. At its height, it proved to be a very practical program that ensured a nimble response to a mass outflow. Many people came together and opened their homes and hearts to support people in a new life. Our rich and vibrant modern day society grew out of such a citizen-led initiative.

    Unfortunately, a lot of the experience in settlement and nation building in the immigration department has been lost. Further, the Abbott government has moved settlement services to the Department of Human Services (Scott Morrison) whilst visa issue remains with the Department of Immigration and Border Protection. This will make for messy implementation and turf warfare.

    We need a task force drawn from key departments and former Immigration Department officials who have left. With them has gone a great deal of experience, expertise and institutional memory.

    The present minister, Peter Dutton, will need to show more skill than he has shown to date.

    A regular contributor to this blog, Arja Keski-Nummi, a former First Assistant Secretary in charge of refugee policy and operations, in the Department of Immigration and Citizenship will write later about the framework that I have briefly outlined in this blog.

    There is a challenge before us all to be better.

  • Ross Burns. Syria and Persecuted Minorities.

    The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the international legal instrument to which Australia was an original signatory, contains a clause making clear that ‘The Contracting States shall apply the provisions of this Convention to refugees without discrimination as to race, religion or country of origin’.

    It therefore seems curious that at least three Ministers, most notably the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, have made statements that echo the wording that Australia’s new program to take 12,000 Syrian refugees under UNHCR auspices announced on 9 September would give preference to ‘persecuted minorities’.

    While on the surface this wording may sound consistent with the convention it has rightly raised a few eyebrows in the Australian Muslim community. In the Syrian context, does this reference indicate that Australia only considers ‘minorities’ as persecuted? Must members of the majority community in Syria have their claims under the convention downgraded?

    The Syrian conflict is an increasingly multi-layered scene where violence on all sides has risen to catastrophic proportions. It began as a citizens’ revolt against a brutally repressive government but has since become a multi-layered civil war in which a bewildering range of Islamist forces have competed to lead the fight against an oppressive regime. All parties to the conflict have their backers outside Syria with some contributing military resupply, others turning a blind eye to movements into Syria of fighters and arms.

    The first few years of the conflict saw fighting extend principally into Muslim majority areas of the country while many minority groups (among them Christians, Druze and Alawis) found shelter in areas under government control. Many Christians, in particular, became apologists for the regime in its efforts to project abroad its case that it was fighting the threat of ‘Islamic extremists’—a threat which was largely awakened as a result of the regime’s appetite right from the start for violence and repression as the answer to any form of dissent.

    The latest dimension to the conflict in the past year is the rise of ‘Islamic State’ or ISIS—a spillover from the Sunni vs Shi`a conflict in Iraq and thus another product of the Allied contributors’ failure to appreciate the consequences of the Malaki government’s marginalisation of the Sunnis. It is in this phase that many Christians in the eastern provinces of Syria—mainly poor agricultural communities not affiliated to the main Orthodox or Catholic streams that had congregated in the regime-held centres to the west— found themselves trapped by ISIS’ lightening rise. In the early years of the conflict, however, undoubtedly the Muslim suburbs of the major cities bore the brunt of the regime’s violent onslaught which brought the major waves of refugee outflows still trapped in the camps in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. In this situation, only a strictly needs-based selection process would be warranted. Part of that assessment process needs to take into account whether communities could ever safely return but that is a question that hangs over virtually every community that once comprised Syria’s mosaic of cultures and faiths.

    Picking favourites in this maze of tragic complexity is not a good idea. There is no Syrian community, ethnic or religious, which has avoided exposure to the violence that has washed across Syria. The pattern does not discriminate by race or creed. Even those who have found refuge in regime-held areas can suddenly find the lines have changed.

    The Abbott government’s new program is an admirably generous development. It is regrettable, though, that it has to be ‘sold’ to one element of the Australian public (the Coalition’s right wing) by code-worded rhetoric suggesting that the UN convention can be manipulated in a way that would minimise Muslim participation. Everyone will need to be on board to make this program a success. There is every reason to believe that Syrians have the background, particularly educational, and motivation to make their new lives a success. It would be tragic to spoil the program’s chances by allowing it to be labeled as an exercise in selective compassion, thus alienating parts of the community whose cooperation is essential to making it a success.

    Ross Burns was Australian Ambassador in Syria from 1984 to 1987.

     

  • Peter McNamara. Are all Australians just ‘Bad Samaritans’, or is it just the media?

    I always thought Australians were good Samaritans, welcoming people from all backgrounds, all races, all religions, to their rich and prosperous nation.

    It belies belief to see the media reporting that Australian Christians, including Catholic Archbishop Fisher, say that preference should be given to Christian refugees from war-torn Syria. The Australian does not ring true with its leader: “Fleeing Christians should go to front of queue – archbishop” above Archbishop Fisher’s photo (The Australian online, Sept 8 2015, Tess Livingstone)

    http://www.theaustralian.com.au/in-depth/europes-migrant-crisis/fleeing-christians-should-go-to-front-of-queue-archbishop/story-fnws9k7b-1227516995573

    This reported urging is ignorant of the fundamental principles of refugee resettlement under the International Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees; and it is ignorant of the fundamental principles of the Christian faith.

    First, the International Refugee Convention, to which Australia is the first named signatory, (as is the Holy See) and to which Christian and Catholic lay and religious organisations were observers, provides at the very outset in Article 3:

    Non-discrimination: The Contracting States shall apply the provisions of this Convention to refugees without discrimination as to race, religion or country of origin.

    Second, if this were not enough for Christians to pause for thought, for even a minute, before calling for discriminatory refugee selection, then they should consider the principles of their own religion.

    How can Australians, and Australian Christians in particular, be such bad neighbours?

    Of course, the story is that the Samaritans were a minority, and unwelcome. Today’s Samaritans are the Australian Muslims that seem so hated by a noisy minority of Australians.

    Jesus, according to Luke, urged his listeners to follow the law that required Jews like Jesus to love “your neighbour as yourself”. The lawyers asked Jesus to define “neighbour” and Jesus in return asked the lawyers:

    “Which of these three do you think was a neighbour to the man who fell into the hands of robbers?” 

    The expert in the law replied: The one who had mercy on him”. 

    Jesus told him: “Go and do likewise”. 

    It would be a horrible thing for Australian Christians to be seen as priests and Levites that pass by the injured because they are not Christian.

    Of course, one should not take the media on face value. The media has cynically taken Archbishop Fisher’s press release, and given it the emphasis it did not have: Fisher’s press release did not say, as quoted by The Australian “Fleeing Christians should go to front of queue”. To the contrary, Archbishop Fisher pleaded for religious minorities – he urged that “particular preference be given to persecuted Christians from Syria and Iraq and other religious minorities who have nowhere else to go…. We should also keep in mind the minorities within the Muslim community in these countries who are persecuted by Islamists and other Muslims”.

    Now the media, of course, would like to exploit divisions between religions. Heaven knows why? Surely not from some bigoted zealotry, that moreover fans the flames of debate, circulation, sales and advertising revenue? Have our editors become the priests and Levites in our own Australian parable of the Good Samaritan?

    Christians generally and Catholics in particular should decry this misrepresentation of their religion and ethics. Christian and Catholic organisations stand ready to welcome refugees of all, any and no religion, race or country, to help them resettle in a place safe from war and religious and racial discrimination. 

    Peter McNamara is a Sydney lawyer.

  • Michael Kelly SJ. The challenge of people movements.

    Great as the gesture of Pope Francis is to mobilize parishes in Europe to accommodate the influx of tens of thousands of asylum seekers from the Middle East (they call them migrants), the problem is more complex than offering immediate support to needy people. The Pope knows that. He’s said so many times.

    The Pope is drawing a line in the sand. He will be called naïve and “grandstanding”. In a world where 60 million of the 7.3 billion humans on the planet are displaced, the cliché about protecting borders isn’t adequate to the challenge that confronts humanity now.

    The Pope is saying this is a significant moment in the life of Europe and the wider world, just as Jews escaping Nazism in the 1930s confronted the world with a choice: our world is faced with a choice and our response will confirm our mediocrity or enhance our humanity.

    Yet, however inspiring and absolutely correct as the responses of locals in Germany and Austria are, there’s a deeper problem that impacts on Europe and also in Asia. There is no agreed way to address the issue of people movement based on shared values and with respected institutions managing a common task.

    People movement is a constant in human history and the trigger is always human survival, most usually associated with the need for food. The biggest documented event of people movement in human history was the movement of the tribes of northern Europe south to Mediterranean in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries of the Christian Era.

    The tribes came in search of food and, along the way, they destroyed the buildings, documents and communities – in short the cultures – of Greece and Rome.

    We are seeing something like it again without the destruction of Europe. This time we are witnessing people fleeing the destruction of Syria and parts of Iraq. The catastrophe unfolding before our eyes on 24/7 newscasts is something triggered by the wrongly conceived intervention of the “Coalition of the Willing” led by the US in Iraq over a decade ago.

    That event prompted the Arab Spring that became a North African Winter, missing Summer and Autumn/Fall in between. One after another, the nations of Arab North Africa have collapsed into chaos.

    The result of this conflict: refugees and asylum seekers on a scale not seen in Europe since WW2. And what has been the response of governments in countries where the migrants/asylum seekers have landed? Everything from welcome (Germany, for example) to bewilderment (Austria, for example) to denial and rejection (Hungary, for example)

    And this year we have seen the worst humanitarian crisis in Asia – the Rohingya – since the exodus of people from Indochina after the Vietnam War. An estimated 10,000 members of this relatively small Muslim sect – already away from the ancestral home in Bangladesh -were lured into a modern slave trade with the active involvement of the military and slave traders in several Southeast Asian nations – Myanmar, Thailand and Malaysia.

    And what has been the response of governments involved – everything from denial (Myanmar) to bewilderment (Malaysia) to reluctant accommodation (Thailand).

    What is missing in both Asia and Europe? The biggest missing link in the two scenarios is any agreed way to cooperate in a regional solution to what is a regional problem.

    It wasn’t ever thus. Europe and North America developed a plan to handle the post-WW2 crisis that then held for forty years. The United Nations developed protocols on the treatment of refuges that provided a set of principles and a process for handling refugees, especially those from parts of Soviet dominated Europe.

    However, for some decades, some UN member nations have been running down the UN’s resources to respond to these human crises. The UN just doesn’t have the money to meet the challenge because participating governments see the world organization either as a tool of their opponents or believe that its operations are wasteful and inefficient. Or both.

    Now, the bloated bureaucracy, the labored processes and the massive overheads that are involved in any UN operation mean that looking to that entity for solutions is bound to disappoint. As well, there are blockages to decisions and actions operating in the factionalized processes of the General Assembly and the Security Council that stand as an impediment to attempts to attempts at global action.

    A UN response is all too often underwhelming because it lacks the energy and urgency needed. With no stake in the outcome, why would a supranational body want speedy responses and lasting results?

    But there are alternative methods of response that include but have not been led by the UN. In the late ‘70s and ‘80s, Asian countries impacted by the Indochinese exodus learnt that it wasn’t a particular country’s issue but a regional one and needed a regional solution.

    All the countries affected – Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Australia, Thailand – were countries of first reception. They clubbed together with countries that had created the problem – US, French and Australian involvement in the Vietnam War – along with other European countries and Canada to put some shape and order into the people movement in association with the UN.

    It was easier then than it is today to get consensus in Asia and earlier in Europe because the instruments created after WW2 to meet refugee crises and the enduring force of the Cold War meant that decisions about good and bad and right and wrong were quickly made.

    There were bad Communists and the right thing for good non-Communists to do was give those oppressed by the Party their freedom. At that time too, the US, Europeans and others in the West accepted responsibility for their part in creating the messes people were fleeing – after WW2 and the Vietnam War.

    There’s not much evidence that anyone is accepting responsibility much less committing to doing anything about the messes today – in North Africa, the Middle East or Asia.

    But perhaps it’s time to face the fact that the instruments we’ve inherited from the Cold War don’t fit any more or provide definitions that work in a post-ideological, but not post-religious world.

    The disarray in all three regions has distinct causes for each instance. Conflict and victimization on religious grounds are common to each. Politics and ideology take a back seat to tribal bonds and affiliation to particular religious groups among the great religions (Judaism, Islam and Christianity).

    Two things are needed:

    1. A revised refugee charter that accommodates the realities that contribute to the creation of asylum seekers today that go beyond Cold War categories including religion but also economic conditions created by conflicts that make life unsustainable for many, e.g. Iran until recently impoverished by Western sanctions; and
    2. Regional processes that draw together firstly those countries involved in the creation of a crisis as well as those willing to be part of its solution who may or may not have been part of creating the mess in the first place but can certainly help fix it.

    Inherited categories and existing institutions aren’t equal to the challenges today. Why should they be? They were invented and developed for another time and place. It’s time for new wine skins for the new wine.

    Fr. Michael Kelly SJ, Executive Director, UCAN.

    This article was published in Global Pulse on 8 September, 2015. 

  • A Clash between Church and State in Australia?

    The recent appearance by retired Bishop Geoffrey Robinson at the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse has raised the possibility of a clash between Australia and the Vatican along similar lines to what occurred in Ireland in 2011 after the publication of the Murphy Commission’s Cloyne Report.

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  • Peter Johnstone. Bishop Robinson at the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse

    “the major obstacle to a better response from the Church has been the Vatican.”  

    Bishop Geoffrey Robinson

    On Monday 24 August 2015, Bishop Geoffrey Robinson spent a day in the witness box at the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. He showed the integrity one would hopefully expect from a Christian bishop in focussing on the interests of children ahead of the institutional interests of the Church. He was there to assist the Commission in its understanding of the Catholic Church’s approach to the scandal of clerical child sexual abuse. Bishop Robinson was transparent in his formal statement, in his responses to questions, and in the multitude of accompanying exhibits. His evidence provides new and worrying insights into the decision-making processes of the Australian hierarchy and the Roman curia. It is clear from Robinson’s frank evidence that much of the institutional Church’s actions have been focussed largely on the reputation of the Church at the expense of the protection of children from sexual abuse.

    Two of the exhibits are written advice to the bishops from Dr Nicholas Tonti-Filippini, Australia’s first hospital ethicist, recently deceased, and commonly viewed in the Church as highly intelligent, of great integrity, and fully committed to Church doctrine. Tonti-Filippini’s advice, as early as 1 August 1990, made a damning assessment of the Australian bishops’ 1988 attempt at a ‘Protocol for dealing with allegations of criminal behaviour’. He criticised that protocol as concerned with ‘responsibilities’ such as the “defence of good reputation and image of individuals . . . and appearing to be impartial” (T-P’s italics), but “the need to protect victims of crime and to prevent further injury or injustice to them are not mentioned” (his italics). Similarly, he noted “the value of seeking to ensure that a criminal is brought to justice is not mentioned.”

    In a further exhibit, a letter from Tonti-Filippini of 22 August 1996 some six years later, he objects that a Church spokesperson has been publicly “referring favourably” to the 1988 Protocol ignoring his earlier warnings, and that current responses were putting “the short term interests of the Church ahead of the care of the alleged victim.” He reiterated his advice as to “how damaging it would be when, as would be inevitable, this apparent legerdemain (trickery) were exposed.” This failure to act appropriately and quickly is repeatedly illustrated in Bishop Robinson’s evidence, as the institution is forced to respond to responsible exposure in the media. An example is the Holy See’s continuing opposition to criminal reporting of paedophiles, except where failure to report could risk prosecution of a bishop!

    Bishop Robinson claimed in his formal written statement to the Royal Commission that, however much the Australian bishops failed over the last thirty years, “the major obstacle to a better response from the Church has been the Vatican.” Bishop Robinson stated clearly his dissatisfaction with the role of the Holy See in dealing with clerical child sexual abuse, both the poor governance including the demands of secrecy, and their appalling ignorance of the nature of the crime, even to the extent that the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith suggested that paedophilia be eliminated from the list of the more serious crimes.

    It seems clear that the Royal Commission is recognising that they cannot adequately deal with the Catholic Church’s failings in Australia alone in its complicity in the protection of paedophiles, without addressing the issue of the universal Church’s dysfunctional governance from Rome. Bishop Robinson has demonstrated the lack of public accountability and due process at every level of Church decision-making. This even involves unjustifiable conflicts between canon law and the civil law of legitimate democratic governments and, notably, a failure to listen to the people of the Church.

    Bishop Robinson is particularly direct in his criticism of Pope St John Paul II’s response to clerical child sexual abuse and his failure to provide real leadership, noting “we still haven’t had that kind of leadership not even from Francis.” He illustrated the kind of leadership needed in a powerful ex tempore statement in his oral evidence:

    Imagine that way back in, say, something like 1987 – to pick a date out of the air – imagine that (John Paul II) had come to the microphone in St Peter’s Square one Sunday morning, with a vast crowd in front of him, and said something like this . . . “I received a report during the week that shocked me the core. It tells of widespread sexual abuse of minors by priests and religious. . . . I call on every bishop in the world to act with me. We’re going to deal with these people. There’s no place for them in the church. We’re going to reach out to victims. We’re going to look at anything in the church which may have contributed and we’re going to get rid of it and I call on every bishop to work with me in this.”

    Bishop Robinson’s clear inference was that Pope Benedict XVI could have taken similar action with an apology for not acting sooner. It is not too late for Pope Francis to provide decisive leadership: “to look at anything in the church which may have contributed”. This must include a commitment to radical reform of the Church’s dysfunctional governance – structure, clericalist culture and canon law – that has resulted in the criminal abuse of children throughout the world caused by the institutional Church itself.

    Bishop Robinson is a witness of note, being a retired bishop who played a leading role in the development of the Church’s early response in Australia to clerical child sexual abuse. He has proven his own commitment to the protection of children and the exposure of the Church’s dysfunctional governance by public statements and writings. His two books on these issues are Confronting Power and Sex in the Catholic Church and For Christ’s Sake End Sexual Abuse in the Catholic Church for Good. Bishop Robinson taught canon law at the Catholic Institute of Sydney and is a past president of the Canon Law Society of Australia and New Zealand.

    A question: Would any serving Australian bishops be prepared to further assist the Royal Commission understand the real nature of the Church’s governance rejecting, as Bishop Robinson has, the undoubted institutional pressures that arise from that dysfunctional governance and that resulted in the scandal of cover-up and protection of paedophiles.

     

    Peter Johnstone is President, Catholics for Renewal,

  • Frank Brennan. Bishop Geoffrey Robinson at the Royal Commission on Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse.

    The royal commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse continues to fill us with dread that we have not yet adequately identified why the incidence of abuse reported in our institutions is higher than in other churches. The divisions amongst our bishops, previously unreported and unknown previously to many of the faithful, are disheartening. Just this week we have heard Bishop Geoffrey Robinson who was an auxiliary bishop to Cardinal Pell when he was archbishop of Sydney telling the royal commission that His Eminence ‘had lost the support of the majority of his priests and that alone made him a most ineffective bishop’. Cardinal Pell is the most promoted Catholic cleric in Australian history. The point is not whether Bishop Robinson is right or wrong. The point is that we are part of a social institution which is suffering an acute loss of institutional coherence when an auxiliary bishop sees a need to make such a public statement about his erstwhile archbishop.

    Two days ago at that royal commission a letter was tendered for all the world to see. It is a letter from Bishop Robinson to His Excellency Archbishop Franco Brambilla who was the papal nuncio here in 1996. According to Bishop Robinson, the nuncio had earlier asserted that there was no such thing as child sexual abuse in the Italian Church. The nuncio had written to Robinson castigating him for criticising the Vatican for being too slow to respond to child abuse in the Church. Robinson had been speaking at a conference dealing with sexual abuse at Sydney University, attended by ‘about 40 victims and 40 journalists’.  One of the participants had suffered abuse at the hands of a Melkite bishop (who died in 2012). Bishop Robinson replied on 8 June 1996:

    Turning now to the particular case, I was well aware that in the audience I was speaking to there was a woman who for nearly twelve months had been the victim of the sexual abuse of Bishop George Riashi. He admitted the abuse to Bishop Peter Connors and to yourself at the end of 1993. He also admitted it to the victim in the presence of Bishop Connors. You reported the matter to ‘Rome’ and he was withdrawn from Australia in November 1994. In the month before that, during the last Synod, Cardinal Clancy and Bishop Connors personally informed the Cardinal Prefect of the Oriental Congregation of all aspects of the matter.

    From overseas Bishop Riashi continued to insist that he was still Eparch of Australia and would be returning. In June 1995 this was confirmed in a public letter from the Melkite Patriarch. In August 1995, however, Bishop Riashi was instead promoted to be Archbishop of Tripoli in Lebanon. In this capacity he then returned to Sydney in August-September and made many public statements about his innocence and about bad people who sought to discredit him. He succeeded in turning many people against his own victim so that they blamed her rather than him.

    Bishop Robinson went on to say to the Apostolic Nuncio: ‘In the matter of Bishop Riashi ‘Rome’ has been of no assistance whatsoever to the Church in Australia. It has, instead, created the potential for a massive scandal in this country.’ I daresay none of us had any idea that this sort of thing was going on. How could it have been possible for such a man to be further promoted in the church hierarchy when there had been admission of such wrongdoing and full disclosure to all relevant church authorities just 20 years ago? How could the papal nuncio who knew all this be writing to castigate a bishop who was saying that there must be a better way, especially when that bishop was the one steering the bishops’ conference at that time to finalise the Towards Healing protocol?

    So things are not easy. They are not easy for me as a Catholic priest in the public square. They are not easy for those of you turning up to work each day in your healthcare facilities to further the mission of the Church. They remain wretched for many victims who doubt that the Church can again be trusted. I thank you for your perseverance and pray that together we can make a better fist of holding out to the world the face and hands of Christ.

     

    The above extracts are from an address to the Catholic Health Australia Conference on 26 August 2015. The full text was published in Eureka Street.

  • Theresia Hiranabe. “My dreadful experience of war”: a Japanese perspective.

    FEATURE, The Good Oil, August 18, 2015

    For Japanese Good Samaritan Sister Theresia Hiranabe, the seventieth anniversary of the end of World War II is a timely opportunity to share her “dreadful experience of war” and how it led her to the Good Samaritan Sisters. 

    BY Theresia Hiranabe SGS*

    The seventieth anniversary of the end of World War II is a good reason to tell my dreadful experience of war – and in the end – how it led me to the Good Samaritan Sisters.

    On December 8, 1941, Japan attacked Pearl Harbour. This brought Japan into World War II. At that time I was eight years old and living in Manchuria. My family had moved to Manchuria from Tokyo in 1938 when I was six. There, we lived in Botanko, very close to the Russian border, and my father worked for the army.

    As the war progressed, we began to hear about the bombing of Tokyo, Osaka and other industrial cities in Japan. We also heard how people were suffering from shortages of food and other necessities of life. In Manchuria, however, we were a long way from the battles and did not suffer like that.

    But on August 8, 1945, life changed dramatically for my family. At 5:00am I was woken by a terrible noise. People were shouting that Russia had declared war on Japan in Manchuria. That same day, in the afternoon, Russian B-29s crossed the border and began dropping bombs. That evening, Russian tanks invaded Manchuria and a fierce battle was fought; the Japanese forces were defeated.

    Earlier in the day the evacuation of civilians had begun. As we were waiting for cars to take us to the train station, the bombers came over Botanko. At that moment we became refugees: my mother, my younger brother and me. My elder brother, who had just turned 18, had been called up for military duty along with all male students. It would be some years before we would meet him again. There was no time to say goodbye to friends or teachers; I have never met any of them since.

    When we got to the station there were thousands of terrified people crowding the platform and struggling to board the waiting train. We thought ourselves lucky to get onto the train, even though it was a roofless goods wagon. The train was packed but did not leave until the next morning. Just before our wagon left my father found us to say goodbye. He promised to come to us as soon as he could.

    It was August, mid-summer and very hot as we made our journey. Every day there were sudden showers. In our open wagon we got very wet, but dried out quickly in the hot sun. It took two weeks to reach Shinkyo (now Chosum), the capital city of Manchuria. The train was slow and stopped often. At these stops we were able to buy food from Chinese farmers. Since ours was the first train to leave Botanko we were spared the bombing by Russian planes. Later trains were bombed, killing many women and children.

    When we arrived in Shinkyo on the morning of August 15, 1945, we were told over a loud-speaker that at noon there was to be an important announcement. I felt uneasy and fearful that something might happen to us and it came over like a shadow on my heart. Then at noon, we heard the voice of the Emperor announcing that Japan had accepted the Potsdam Declaration and that the war had ended. Everyone knelt down on the ground and wept. We all asked ourselves, “what shall we do?” I still remember this terrible despair.

    We did not stay in Shinkyo. The train moved on that afternoon and, a week later, we arrived in Hoten. Everywhere we looked we saw Russian soldiers. We were so frightened. I still feel that fear when I think about it. Even now when I hear the sound of a big truck, I’m reminded of that fear.

    After we had been in Hoten awhile, we women and girls were each handed a pistol in case of an attack by Russian soldiers. That made us even more frightened, but fortunately we did not have to use it.

    The situation was very uncertain. Russian soldiers were everywhere but they did not have total control of the city. The Japanese army did what they could for us. At first we were given shelter in an army building. I remember feeling safe on the ninth floor. But every day the number of refugees increased, and two weeks later, we were all moved into a school. There were thousands of us.

    Although Hoten was a Japanese city, it was not safe for us. The Chinese, who had been invaded by the Japanese forces, took their revenge by looting and burning Japanese houses.

    Winter comes early in Manchuria. November 1945 was a freezing winter, with temperatures ranging from -10 to -30 degrees. Every day groups of settlers – women, children and old men – arrived from the north, having walked through the snow. They had lost everything as a result of the Russian invasion and Chinese rioting. Many died of hunger; babies died on their mother’s backs. One mother asked a man to bury her beside the mountain path. Then she killed her small child who was dying after which she herself died.

    Towards the end of the year my father came to find us. He found us a place in a Chinese hotel. He also got work with a Chinese employer and we began to have hope of getting back to Japan. But in early 1946, my father caught a cold, or so we thought. Sick with typhus, he died on January 12. My mother, who had nursed him, also caught typhus and died a few weeks later on March 4. My ten-year-old brother and I (now 13) were orphans.

    Before my mother’s death, the Chinese man my father worked for helped my mother with the cremation of my father’s body. I wanted to put his ashes somewhere holy so I went very secretly to the temple and when I thought no one was watching, I dug a little hole and left them there.

    There were many orphaned children like us. We were not left without help. Much of it came from a Zen Buddhist temple where people made sure we had food and shelter, and arrangements were made to get us to Japan. We went on the first ship to sail to Japan after the war. It took a week.

    We were looked after by the Japanese Welfare Authority. Most of the children were taken by their relations. Two months later my elder brother returned to our home town in Hokkaido. When he heard about our parents’ death and that my young brother and I had returned to Japan, he came to Hakata to take us to Hokkaido. This elder brother died two years later.

    While waiting for our relations to take us we went to school. One of the teachers there was a Catholic lady, Setsuko, who cared for us as well as taught us. She had been baptised by Father Flynn, an Australian priest in Hakata. He was one of the Australian priests who responded to the appeal of Bishop Yamaguchi of Nagasaki to help rebuild his diocese after the devastation of the 1945 atomic bomb.

    Father Flynn introduced Setsuko to the Good Samaritan Sisters who had also responded to Bishop Yamaguchi’s appeal. Setsuko worked with the Sisters in Nagasaki and later in Sasebo at their newly established kindergarten.

    I had been in Hokkaido for five years and was wondering what to do with my life. Setsuko invited me to Nagasaki and it was there that I met the Sisters. I still remember the strong impression they made on me. I was not Catholic, but felt something happened to me.

    I began learning about the Christian life. Two years later I went to Sasebo and worked with the Sisters. On Christmas Day 1952 I was baptised in front of the Sisters. I had a wish to join them. It kept growing, but many obstacles were in my way: my poor health, due to lack of nourishment because there was no good food in Japan; I had no money because I didn’t have parents; and my education had stopped because of the war.

    When I visited the Sisters again, they were busy with preparations for the opening of Seiwa High School and I was asked to help. I had no special reason to refuse, so accepted.

    After working with the Sisters for a year, I began my education at Sasebo which was followed by five years’ study at university. After my graduation I worked as a teacher at Sasebo and became a Good Samaritan aspirant. Three years later, in 1964, I became a Good Samaritan postulant. This was the beginning of my life as a Good Samaritan Sister.

    Whenever people sympathise with me for what I suffered in China, I answer in my mind: Japan did serious wrongs as a colonial ruler. When Japan invaded China and Korea, millions of people suffered terrible pain.

    I offer my sufferings in China, the death of my parents – the loss of everything, as compensation for what Japan did. It is my small sacrifice.

    * Good Samaritan Sister Theresia Hiranabe has a background in secondary school teaching, adult faith formation and pastoral work in Japan. Now retired, she lives in Nara and is involved in adult faith formation, catechetics and scripture studies.

    Source: http://www.goodsams.org.au/good-oil/my-dreadful-experience-of-war-a-japanese-perspective

  • Frank Brennan SJ. Four preconditions for supporting marriage equality.

    A committed Catholic gay man, whose integrity I admire and whose hurt from ongoing homophobia I feel, recently asked me to sign a letter to Prime Minister Tony Abbott urging that Coalition members be granted a conscience vote and that the Commonwealth Marriage Act be amended promptly to include same sex marriage. He assured me that any change to the law would accommodate religious celebrants who would not celebrate gay weddings, and for religious reasons.

    I declined his request, assuring him my prayers and a commitment to ongoing dialogue.

    I have long claimed that our federal politicians should have a conscience vote on same sex marriage. The Labor Party muddied the waters at their national conference last month by cobbling together a compromise motion allowing a conscience vote only until 2019, with members then being bound to support same sex marriage after the election after next.

    Given Labor’s abandonment of a conscience vote until the matter is finally resolved on the floor of the Parliament, the Coalition is now more free to make its own political calculations about the utility of a conscience vote on its side of the chamber.

    Given developments in countries like Ireland and the USA, I have accepted the inevitability that civil marriage in Australia will ultimately be redefined to include same sex couples. But advocates for change need to concede the point made by church leaders in their own letter to Abbott on 5 June 2015:

    Far from being unusual in the international community for not supporting ‘same-sex marriage’, Australia’s definition of marriage as a union of a man and a woman is consistent with that of the vast majority of world nations, who represent over 91 per cent of the global population.

    To date, only 21 of the 193 member states of the United Nations have changed their legal definition of marriage to incorporate same-sex unions.

    Given the increasing number of children being brought up by same sex couples, it is desirable that the state take away any social stigma against same sex parents. Given the ageing population, the state has an interest in recognising and protecting long term relationships of same sex couples who care for each other. Given the harmful effects of homophobia, it has an interest in encouraging broad community acceptance of those members who are homosexual. Laws and policies can help in this regard.

    It is one thing for Commonwealth law to recognise same sex unions as marriages. It is another thing to require all persons, regardless of their religious beliefs, to treat same sex couples even in the life and activities of a church as if they were married in the eyes of their church.

    The religious freedom issues involved in the same sex marriage debate are about more than making space for religious celebrants determining who they will or will not marry. Though the issues would not necessarily be covered by amendments to the Commonwealth Marriage Act, the passage of those amendments will be the trigger for revisiting and redefining these issues.

    At the moment, some religious institutions restrict facilities such as shared accommodation on a church site to married couples. Would the maintenance of that restriction to couples in a traditional marriage be judged discriminatory and unlawful? Some religious schools limit employment to teachers who follow the church teaching on sexual relations. Would the exclusion of a homosexual teacher be prohibited once the teacher had entered into a state recognised same sex marriage?

    Faith based adoption agencies tend to have a preference for placing a child who is not related to any prospective adoptive parent with a family unit including an adult male and an adult female thinking that is in the best interests of the child. Would that now be judged discriminatory?

    In the future, some religious groups will assert that reproductive technology should be limited so that any child will be assured a known biological mother and a known biological father regardless of whether the child is to be raised by a heterosexual couple, a homosexual couple or a single parent. Will that be judged bigoted discrimination, especially if homosexual couples are the ones most likely to want to use such developing technology to create their own children?

    These questions require answers, and without claims of homophobia and simple reassurances that there is ‘nothing to fear from equality’.

    The unfortunate effect of the US Supreme Court decision was that all these issues were put off to another day without discussion and with the imputation that they are the concerns only of bigots or old fashioned religious zealots. Many citizens, myself included, support the state recognition of both same sex marriage AND religious freedom exercised in speech, actions and institutional arrangements.

    I readily accept that the Commonwealth Parliament will legislate for same sex marriage in the foreseeable future. When Parliament does, I will be fully accepting of that decision. I won’t lose any sleep over it, and I will be happy for people like the man who asked me to sign a letter to Abbott, hoping that it helps put an end to homophobia, especially in religious communities.

    If asked by politicians how they should exercise their conscience vote, there is no way that I would say that they should not support civil recognition of same sex marriage. But neither would I say that they must support it NOW. If I were a member of parliament, I would want four assurances before I voted for same sex marriage:

    1. The assurance that religious groups could continue to order their religious and church affairs consistent with their teaching on marriage.

    2. The assurance that adoption authorities could always make decisions in the best interests of the child.

    3. The assurance that state authorised/funded assisted reproduction services would not be expanded to allow the creation of a child without just one known biological mother and just one known biological father.

    4. The assurance that those who had religious objections to same sex marriage would not be required by law to violate their own consciences in the performance of professional or artistic services (as distinct from the simple sale of goods or provision of other services) when that performance is usually enhanced by the person believing in the relationship that is being celebrated or sustained.

    If those four assurances were given and if I were a member of parliament, I would vote in favour of a bill granting civil recognition to same sex marriage. It is important to emphasise that these assurances would not be contained in the amended Commonwealth Marriage Act. For example, adoption is more a matter for the states than the Commonwealth. But now is the time for the Australian community to work out the broad contours of these assurances.

    Once the Marriage Act is amended, should a church school be able to decline to offer married quarters to a teacher in a same sex marriage? I would answer ‘yes’, though I would hope a church school would be open to the employment of a gay teacher living in a committed relationship. Equally I would continue to allow a church school to make a free choice as to who best to employ as a teacher.

    Given the lamentable history of homophobia, I would think a good church school would be pleased to employ an openly gay teacher who respects and espouses the school’s ethos. Free choice is often better than legal prescription when trying to educate in the ways of truth and love.

    Should a church aged care facility be able to decline to offer married quarters to a couple who had contracted a same sex marriage? I would answer ‘yes’, though I would hope a church facility would be open to providing such accommodation in Christian charity if it could be done in a way not to cause upset to other residents. After all, same sex marriage is a very modern phenomenon and I would favour ongoing tolerance of the residents in aged care facilities wanting to live out their last days with individuals and couples in relationships such as they have long known them.

    However, even in Catholic aged care facilities, we need to admit that not all couples are living in a church recognised marriage, and it is no business of other residents to know if they are. We need to allow everyone time to adapt with good grace, provided only that we can be certain that appropriate services are available elsewhere if a church feels unable to oblige on religious grounds.

    The four assurances I have listed as preconditions for signing up to civil recognition of same sex marriage will not be given by advocates at this time. If they are given, they will result from horse trading in the political process, and for that reason I don’t think it appropriate that I now simply urge the passage of a law recognising same sex marriage.

    I know the delay will upset and hurt some good people who have waited too long to be rid of the curse of homophobia, but the delay could be avoided at this time if the assurances were given, or at least if the validity of the concerns was acknowledged. Some advocates will continue to fight hard claiming that no such assurances need be given, and they may well win. That’s politics.

    While we wait for our politicians to decide, let’s all recommit ourselves to respectful conversation acknowledging the yearning of those who crave benign acceptance of their most loving commitments and of those who cherish religious freedom so that all citizens might live according to good conscience.


    Frank Brennan SJ is professor of law at Australian Catholic University.

     

    This article was first published in Eureka Street on 12 August 2015.

  • Eric Hodgens. The Catholic Church is really two churches.

    The Catholic Church is really two churches these days. The first is the hierarchy. The second is rank and file active Catholics together with their priests. This second group is the real church. Over the last 35 years, now, they have heard what the hierarchy was saying and simply have not agreed.

    They thought that communal penance services worked and confession didn’t. They continued to use communal services despite John Paul II’s forbidding of them. They knew that the time had come to contemplate ordaining married men – and women too. Many knew that re-married divorcees were going to Holy Communion and even encouraged them if formally asked. Many were pleased when parishioners they knew to be gay were ready to take an active part in parish life. They were embarrassed by Cardinal Pell’s public refusal of Communion to gay Catholics. Many knew priests who were celebrating the marriages of divorcees.

    Many rolled their eyes when they read rules for receiving Communion in parish newssheets. Most accepted contraception as normal and respected the consciences of those who used it.

    Many thought that knee-jerk reaction to new ethical situations was bad policy. IVF resulted from new research and so called for new ethics.

    Many priests were disappointed with action in the Church abroad. They agreed with theologians who had been censured or sidelined by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith – the former inquisition. All these theologians were streets ahead of their long faced inquisitors. Roman power play at its worst.

    They thought that Liberation Theology looked right in South America, and that Basic Christian Communities may well be the answer in a clergy-deprived world. They thought that you found better leadership in USA from the women religious than from the bishops pursuing them.

    Something was wrong. All these people were facing a Church which was in decline precisely because it would not seek new answers to new questions. Our world out there was changing. It was secular and pluralistic. The Church was just one institution among many. Its old privilege was gone. In this new climate it had to make its mark on society from a standing start. It needed leadership which could see this challenge and recontextualize its message. All this defensiveness, all this pre-occupation with sexual rules, was creating a community which was exclusive rather than inclusive.

    Many open-eyed pastors believed that simply thinking like Jesus and believing in Jesus – basic Christianity – had something to say to this pluralistic world. But a Church preoccupied with its old formulas, its rules forged in a past cultural context, its institutional structure and total clerical control looked insular and passé.

    Then along came Pope Francis. Clericalism is a cancer, he said. Reality is more important than the idea, he said. Get real! Adapt! The Church has a message to proclaim; a way of love, mercy and forgiveness to live. Embrace the world. Try to understand it; heal its wounds, give comfort in its sorrows. Don’t go lecturing it while nobody is listening. You have lost the high moral ground. Clerical privilege is over. The Christian confessional state is finished. Tribal Catholic affiliation is waning. Any new evangelization must start from scratch. Pope Francis is right. An inward looking Church will fail in its mission. How can we look outward again?

    First step is to think over Pope Francis’ dictum that the reality is more important than the idea. For too long we have been forced to take the roadblocks listed above seriously – even when we knew they were obstructing the gospel. Talk about inward looking! Doctrinal arguments mean nothing to your average Catholic. They see the selectivity of moral outrage as part of the culture wars. They believe that personal sexual morality is better adjudicated by a sincere conscience in touch with contemporary cultural values. If the bishops are meant to be a moral beacon they have lost their mojo. It is time for us to get back to the reality.

    Secondly, most of us believe that the core message of Jesus is very relevant to today’s Western World. So, alert to our world today, let us re-evaluate the priorities of our own belief. Odds are that you will think we have been wasting psychological energy on the wrong issues.

    Thirdly let’s get rid of clericalism in our seminaries as Pope Francis wishes. Clericalism is more alienating today than ever. Spending years in the clerical hothouse of the seminary is not a good preparation for a hands-on pastor today. A seminary producing clerical graduates is on the wrong track.

    Fourthly, we need to give real authority to those lay leaders we spot in our parishes. Devolve real power so that it is more and more in lay hands. This need is heightened due to the short sighted policy of importing priests of an alien culture. Authorising the laity to lead, preach, teach and celebrate is the only answer. It will happen eventually– so better to be prepared.

     

    Eric Hodgens is a retired Catholic priest from Melbourne, who ‘writes a bit’.

  • Patty Fawkner. Mary Magdalene: friend, icon, model

    We have yet to balance spirituality and sexuality in the Church especially in regard to women. Women’s leadership and spiritual influence will be compromised until we do, writes Good Samaritan Sister Patty Fawkner.

    I thank my father for my friendship with Mary Magdalene.

    I was a young woman when, after a brief illness, my father died of cancer. It was the first time I’d lost a loved one. I was devastated.

    My gnawing grief for my darling Dad made me interpret well-meaning words of sympathy as hollow pious platitudes. God seemed nowhere to be found. I felt nothing of God’s comfort. Unbelievably naïve, I had expected God to shield me from normal human grief because I was a person of faith – I was a nun for heaven’s sake!

    Many months after Dad’s death I went on a weekend retreat and the wise old monk who guided me suggested I read Chapter 20 of John’s Gospel and spend time with Mary Magdalene in the garden on the morning of Jesus’ resurrection.

    The story is well-known and well-loved. A grieving Mary goes to the tomb. The body of Jesus is not there. Still weeping, she encounters a mysterious figure whom she mistakes for the gardener. He calls her by name. She re-discovers her Beloved. He tells her not to cling onto him but to go and tell the good news of his resurrection to his disciples. “I have seen the Lord,” she rejoices.

    Something shifted in me as I spent time with Mary. Somehow, inchoately, I felt God calling me by name. Somehow God was present in my emptiness. Like Mary, I couldn’t cling onto a former idea of God. I had to, in Anthony de Mello’s words, “empty out my teacup God”. I had to find a new, more adult image of God. Instead of a Mr Fix-it God who did not honour my grieving humanity, I found a more mysterious God, a presence in emptiness, a bright darkness, a God who grieved with me.

    I was grateful to Mary Magdalene but still didn’t really know her.

    Years earlier I had seen Cecil B. DeMille’s movie, The King of Kings, where Mary Magdalene first appears as a bejewelled, breast-plated courtesan driving a chariot drawn by – what else but (?) – five plumed zebras! She is hurrying to meet her lover, Judas Iscariot, who she hears has become ‘distracted’ by some carpenter turned preacher.

    I laughed at Cecil B. DeMille’s fertile imagination but still accepted uncritically the Christian tradition’s stereotype of Mary as the infamous scarlet woman who turned her life around upon meeting Jesus.

    Scripture study over the years has led me to discover who Mary Magdalene is and who she is not. The more the real Mary Magdalene is allowed to ‘stand up’, the more significance she has for me, not only as a friend, but also as an icon of what women’s role in the Church is and could be.

    Scripture scholars agree that there is not a shred of evidence that Mary was a prostitute. There are at least six or seven different Marys in the Scriptures and they get marvellously muddled.

    Each Gospel writer portrays Mary Magdalene as the first witness to the resurrection and the first to announce this publicly. The definition of an apostle is one who has encountered the risen Lord and proclaims that Good News. In the earliest Christian tradition, Mary is therefore rightly celebrated, not as prostitute but as “Apostle to the Apostles”.

    Mary was chosen for this special role because, I believe, she stood with Jesus in his suffering. Unlike the male disciples who, apart from the Beloved Disciple, fled or drew a weapon in the garden or denied Jesus, Mary endured the brutal horror of Jesus’ crucifixion.

    She does not flee. She does not fight. She does not flinch. Like so many women after her, she gives practical expression to her faith in Jesus. She sits opposite the tomb till dark and then early the next morning comes to the tomb with spices to anoint the body.

    We know that female community leaders and spiritual guides were not uncommon in the early Church. But as soon as the Christian community became part of the establishment, women became more marginalised. Patriarchy minimalized them.

    Within a few centuries, Mary the “Apostle to the Apostles” was forgotten and Mary the former prostitute became entrenched in official Church teaching and in popular imagination.

    As Mary Magdalene’s star waned, the other Mary, Mary of Nazareth, the mother of Jesus, shone. The two Marys demonstrate the Church’s tendency to either put women on a pedestal or relegate them and discount the legacy of their spiritual leadership.

    Mary of Nazareth is firmly on the pedestal. Dressed in virginal blue, she retains her spirituality but is stripped of her sexuality.

    Mary of Magdala, the relegated one, retains her sexuality but has been stripped of her spiritual influence. Her name, Magdalene, continues to be mythically associated with female sinfulness. She continues to be ignored as “Apostle to the Apostles”.

    The institutional Church has an abject record of recognising women’s spiritual leadership. In the Catholic liturgical calendar there are about 200 feast days for holy men and women, and only one in five – 20 per cent – are women, and a quarter of those 20 per cent belong to Mary, the mother of God. The greater majority of the remaining women are either virgins or religious – hardly the profile of the majority of women in the Church!

    We have yet to balance spirituality and sexuality in the Church especially in regard to women. Women’s leadership and spiritual influence will be compromised until we do.

    Pope John Paul II loved putting women on a pedestal. He spoke often about women’s “feminine genius”, but preferred that they remain in the private sphere of kitchen or cloister.

    However, there are positive signs with Pope Francis, who said in an address for International Women’s Day, that “a world where women are marginalised is a sterile world”.

    “Women have the capacity to see otherwise,” he said. They “ask questions that men never think of”. Of course they do! Their experience is different. Their perspective and insight is different.

    Women have tended to start from their own experience of God, rather than theory about God. This is what Mary Magdalene does. “I have seen the Lord”, she says, and tells the other disciples what her Beloved said to her.

    Repeatedly Pope Francis has said that the Church needs women’s wisdom and contribution in all spheres of Church life including decision-making. The critical issue, however, is how to break the nexus between decision-making and ordination. Pope Francis acknowledged this in his first major document Evangelii Gaudium, but worryingly, has not as yet made any significant structural moves to rectify the situation.

    For me, Mary Magdalene represents all the unrecognised but spiritually significant women and men in the Church. She invites me to enter Jesus’ suffering and not shirk. She calls me to encounter the Risen One in my prayer. She challenges me to be a Good News person who proclaims fiercely and boldly not herself, but the One whom she has seen, the One who sends her. She has much to teach us about God’s inclusive, incredible love for the relegated, the disparaged and dispossessed.

    Mary Magdalene proclaims Jesus as Good News. She is Good News. She certainly is good news in my life. As we celebrate her feast on July 22, may she be so in yours.

    * Good Samaritan Sister Patty Fawkner is an adult educator, writer and facilitator. Patty is interested in exploring what wisdom the Christian tradition has for contemporary issues. She has an abiding interest in questions of justice and spirituality. Her formal tertiary qualifications are in arts, education, theology and spirituality.

    This article was first published in The Good Oil, the e-magazine of the Good Samaritan Sisters http://www.goodsams.org.au/good-oil/mary-magdalene-friend-icon-model

     

  • Brian Johnstone. Pope Francis, Laudato Si’ and Cardinal Pell.

    Cardinal George Pell has criticized Pope Francis’ ground-breaking environmental encyclical. As Pell told the Financial Times on Thursday, July 14, “It’s got many, many interesting elements. There are parts of it which are beautiful,” he said. “But the Church has no particular expertise in science … the Church has got no mandate from the Lord to pronounce on scientific matters. We believe in the autonomy of science.”

    In the encyclical Laudato Si’ Pope Francis engages his readers on three levels; the first is that of science, the second is that of faith and theology the third is that of reasoned ethics.

    The first level is represented by chapter One of the document, (pars, 17-52). It has been generally acknowledged that the document presents the consensus of the majority of competent scientists. There are some scientists who hold differing views, but they are clearly in the minority. It is reasonable and responsible on the part of the Pope and his advisors to provide an account of the interpretation of the facts on which they base their further reflections. It is perfectly clear that that Pope, in this section, is not appealing to his religious authority to support the description of the contemporary ecological situation. He is reporting the consensus of scientists, who competence he acknowledges. If someone has different views, then a reasonable and responsible reply would be to present the scientific evidence for that view.

    It is quite misplaced to insist that the Church has no authority on scientific questions. The Cardinal, however, asserts, “We believe in the autonomy of science.” Well, who are “we” in this matter? Pell and his fellow climate change deniers? Does he think that the Pope needs to be corrected on this point? The pope well understands what “the autonomy of science” means. The Pope, in contrast to His Eminence, was educated in science and had the assistance of internationally recognized scientists in composing this encyclical.

    Pell states that the Catholic Church has “no particular expertise in science.” Pope Francis nowhere claims that the Church has such competence. What he does offer is a responsible account of his interpretation of the contemporary scientific consensus. If someone wishes to offer a differing view they ought to provide supporting evidence to support that view.

    At a second level, the encyclical engages in reflection on faith and so enters the sphere of theology. (pars. 55-100) It is in this section that Pope Francis introduces what Professor Joseph Camilleri describes as a seismic shift in mainstream Christian thought: human life is essentially defined in its relationship to God, to others and to the earth. There is a clear move beyond an earlier anthropocentric view; the relation between nature and humanity is a crucial dimension of the encyclical. This important theme has entirely escaped Pell.

    The third level is that of ethics. Reasonable ethical argument presupposes a responsible account of the relevant facts. This is provided by Pope Francis in the first section of the encyclical. In the following sections the Pope develops a critical, culturally informed ethical response which Pell ignores.   John Allen reports that despite the cardinal’s criticism of the pope’s environmental stance, Pell noted the encyclical had been “very well received” and said Francis had “beautifully set out our obligations to future generations and our obligations to the environment.” These final animadversions can sound quite patronizing. Cardinal Pell is prepared to grant that the views of the Pope are indeed “beautiful,”—even if without a secure basis in scientific reasoning. But Cardinal Pell himself provides no reasoned argument in support is his assertions.

    In the sphere of climate science, Cardinal Pell is himself no authority, but is rather at the mercy of his own bias. Perhaps he needs to re-read the Pope’s document, and update his previous views on climate change and the broader issues of ecology.

     

    Brian Johnstone. C.SS.R. is a Redemptorist priest.

     

  • Robert Manne. Laudato Si’ : A political reading.

    Robert Manne describes the Papal Encyclical as the first work that has risen to the full challenge of climate change. Robert Manne ads:

    There can be little doubt that the Papal Encyclical is the most consequential intervention in the discussion of climate change since Al Gore’s film, ‘An Inconvenient Truth’.  … Like Al Gore, indeed, like all rational people, Pope Francis accepts the consensual conclusions of the climate scientists.  … For Pope Francis the climate crisis is the most extreme expression of a destructive tendency that has become increasingly dominant through the course of industrialisation. … The Encyclical argues that we have become slaves both to what is called the technological paradigm and the theory of market fundamentalism. … In the Encyclical, the analysis of the condition of contemporary culture in turn provides the explanation for the most troubling puzzle of the modern era, our abject failure thus far to rise to the challenge of global warming. … Climate change denialism is the most obvious self-interest of the economically powerful voices of society who, in the words of the Encyclical “mask the problems … and conceal the symptoms”.

    This article by Robert Manne was published in The Monthly on 1 July 2015. For link to the article see https://www.themonthly.com.au/blog/robert-manne/2015/01/2015/1435708320/laudato-si-political-reading .

    John Menadue

  • Bruce Duncan. Pope Francis on avoiding environmental catastrophe

    Current Affairs

    Popes write social encyclicals in times of social crisis or at great turning points in history. Pope Francis’s Laudato Si is no exception. He sees the world facing unprecedented twin crises: from climate change; and unresolved issues of global hunger and poverty, resulting in growing conflict, violence and displacement of peoples. ‘Peace, justice and the preservation of creation are three absolutely interconnected themes’ (# 92).

    ‘We are faced not with two separate crises, one environmental and the other social, but rather one complex crisis which is both social and environmental’, and we need to combat poverty, restore dignity to the excluded and protect nature (#139).

    Francis insists on the urgency of these matters. ‘Doomsday predictions can no longer be met with irony or disdain. We may well be leaving to coming generation debris, desolation and filth.’ Our contemporary consumption and waste ‘can only precipitate catastrophes’. (#161).

    Francis does not pull his punches on the effects of climate change, warning of imminent catastrophe unless the world acts urgently to reduce greenhouse gases. He laments that the world lacks leadership and it is ‘remarkable how weak international political responses have been (#54).’ He says that ‘our common home is falling into serious disrepair.. He sees signs that ‘things are now reaching a breaking point’. ‘There are regions now at high risk and aside from all doomsday predictions, the present world system is certainly unsustainable’ (#61).

    The high hopes of making rapid inroads against hunger and poverty with the Millennium Development Goals have only been partly realised, and Francis is using the encyclical to support more determined efforts through the UN Sustainable Development Goals. But efforts to eradicate hunger and poverty are being compromised by the effects of climate change, which are bearing most heavily on the poor.

    The looming environmental threats remind the world as never before that we are all in this together, that there is such a thing as the ‘common good’. This is a call for ‘all hands on deck’, that everyone is involved in a common responsibility to reduce our ‘footprint’ on the planet, living more frugally, with less waste and certainly less extravagance.

    ‘Reducing greenhouse gases requires honesty, courage and responsibility, above all on the part of those countries which are more powerful and pollute the most.’ (169). He warns that even systems of ‘carbon credits’ could be used ‘as a ploy which permits maintaining the excessive consumption of some countries and sectors.’ (#171).

    But the encyclical is not a science paper. He accepts the overwhelming consensus among climate scientists that global warming is a real threat, indeed an unprecedented emergency, with disastrous consequences likely in agriculture, from declining water resources and from rising sea levels.

    Inequality

    Underlying the document is the Pope’s critique of the astonishing inequality within and between countries, stemming from an economic system based on competitive individualism: ‘we should be particularly indignant at the enormous inequalities in our midst, whereby we continue to tolerate some considering themselves more worthy than others.’ (#90).

    He criticises powerful sectional interests which strive to maximise profits in the short term and can often shape or corrupt economic policies to suit their own narrow goals. ‘Their behaviour shows that for them maximizing profits is enough. Yet by itself the market cannot guarantee integral human development and social inclusion.’ (#109). He rejects the mindset that allows ‘the invisible forces of the market to regulate the economy, and consider their impact on society and nature as collateral damage.’ (#123).

    Without using the term neoliberal economics, that is clearly his target, which Francis blames for channelling fabulous wealth into the hands of a small minority while leaving vast numbers struggling in acute poverty. He rejects ‘a magical conception of the market, which would suggest that problems can be solved simply by an increase in the profits of companies and individuals.’ (#190).

    He blames an exaggerated free-market ideology for the corrosion of ethical standards in international finance and business corporations that resulted in the global financial crisis.

    ‘Saving banks at any cost, making the public pay the price, foregoing a firm commitment to reviewing and reforming the entire system only reaffirms the absolute power of a financial system’ which can only give rise to new crises (#189).

    He is critical of the type of development which is overly driven by technology, as if it could resolve the problems facing the planet without ‘a development in human responsibility, values and conscience.’ (#105). ‘Put simply, it is a matter of redefining our notion of progress. A technological and economic development which does not leave in its wake a better world and an integrally higher quality of life cannot be considered progress. Frequently, in fact, people’s quality of life actually diminishes’ (#194).

    Dialogue with believers and non-believers alike

    The Pope has framed his encyclical within the hymn to creation of St Francis, a profound and joyous song of wonder and amazement before the great Mystery of life and the world with all its many marvellous creatures. St Francis felt intensely the presence of what we call God in every aspect of his world.

    The Pope is drawing from this a new way of communicating across religious and philosophical boundaries about the sense of Mystery we all share. This can evoke a sense of thankfulness and respect for every living thing, of deep reverence for such treasures. He is drawing on a spirituality which is ancient and traditional, but also open to people of all faiths or of none.

    Dialogue is a foundational word for the Pope. He is not trying to dictate politics or specific solutions, but calling for a global dialogue, involving especially those with specific expertise about what needs to be done. He learnt from his own mistakes as a priest that listening involves not just understanding the words people use, but an effort to go behind the words to appreciate the pain in their hearts and the goodness they are yearning for.

    He believes everyone has something to contribute and a right to be heard in matters which concern them, especially in economic change and development, so that the poor are not just pawns of the rich or powerful, or cast aside as useless. The Pope draws from his own experience that even very poor people in slums can have happy and meaningful lives, though their material resources may be slim, because of the quality of their relationships and sense of community. Nevertheless, he wants everyone to have decent living conditions, secure housing and work, education and reasonable life opportunities (#222).

    Underlying the encyclical is the ‘see, judge, act’ methodology he used when he summarised the conference of the bishops of Latin American at Aparecida in 2007. He wants the new encyclical to lead to action, not just in international forums, but by everyone in their own circumstances. He gives instances of how people can live more simply, reducing their use of energy and resources. These are not trivial matters. He wishes to show that we all need to find ways to live more simply (#211). Pope Francis favours the empowerment of individuals and groups, to take initiatives and to organise together, such as in cooperatives, or in small-scale farming and production (#129, 179).

    Conclusion

    The encyclical’s message about the urgent moral dimensions of our present crisis are not entirely new, as both Popes John Paul and Benedict also drew attention to the mounting ecological dangers. But it is unprecedented that a pope has devoted an entire encyclical to this issue, which he links in with the Church’s longer tradition of social teaching, especially its critique of ‘economic liberalism’ or what we would now refer to as neoliberalism.

    Though some parts of the document are written in Francis’s clear and popular style, others have written various sections, especially Cardinal Turkson and his team at the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, along with the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, both have which have been consulting extensively with leading international experts in economics, climate science and the environment.

    The Pope regrets that international agreements have not recognised the ‘urgency of the challenges’; but though ‘the post-industrial period may well be remembered as one of the most irresponsible in history’, there are reasons to hope (#165).

    He is calling for a commitment by everyone to living responsibly so that others can live a fulfilling and happy life. We should be striving ‘boldly and responsibility to promote a sustainable and equitable development within the context of a broader concept of quality of life.’ (#192).

    Father Bruce Duncan CSsR is one of the founders of the advocacy group, Social Policy Connections, and Director of the Yarra Institute for Religion and Social Policy in Melbourne.

  • Robert Manne. Papal Encyclical and Cardinal Pell

    Current Affairs

    In The Monthly on 31 October 2011, Robert Manne recalled the efforts of Cardinal George Pell to discredit the case of those who were concerned about climate change. Cardinal Pell said that Robert Manne was following fashionable opinion on the subject. Extracts from Robert Manne’s article follow below. John Menadue. 

    In the Sydney Morning Herald of October 28, Eugene Robinson, a columnist with the Washington Post, reported the findings of the most comprehensive study of the Earth’s temperature ever undertaken. The study had been conducted by the Professor of Physics at University of California, Berkeley, Richard Muller. His team had collated 1.6 billion temperature readings. Interestingly, Muller had begun his study as a climate change “sceptic”, mocking Michael Mann’s “hockey stick” graph; sympathetic to those responsible for hacking the University of East Anglia ‘Climategate’ emails. The “denialists” were confident that Muller’s study would produce results favourable to their cause. Muller even received a grant of $150,000 from the great sponsors of US denialism, the fossil fuel industry-based Koch brothers. As it turned out, however, the study confirmed earlier findings. Since the 1950s the Earth’s temperature has indeed risen by about 1°C.  Muller argued in the Wall Street Journal: “When we began our study, we felt that sceptics had raised legitimate issues, and we didn’t know what we’d find. Our results turned out to be close to those published by prior groups.” He concluded: “You should not be a sceptic, at least not any longer.” Of course these results were immediately contested. Muller was once a climate change sceptic. His new enemies are climate change denialists. Nothing illustrates the distinction between climate change scepticism and denialism more neatly than the differences that are presently opening up between Muller and his critics.

    Although the Australian is owned by the same corporation as the Wall Street Journal it chose not to publish Muller’s seminal opinion piece. Instead, on October 27, it published a somewhat less significant article by that well known climate scientist Cardinal George Pell. The article revealed that Pell presently regards himself as an authority on climate change. He informed his readers that, unlike him, many politicians had not investigated what he called “the primary evidence”. Had they done so they would have learned, as he had, about the inadequacies of both the “evidence” and the “explanations” being offered by the climate scientists with regard to global warming. Pell expressed strong disagreement with something I had written. “Recently”, he argued, “Robert Manne, following fashionable opinion, wrote that ‘the science is truly settled’ on the fundamental theory of climate change; global warming is happening; it is primarily caused by the emission of greenhouse gases, especially carbon dioxide; and it is certain to have profound effects in the future.” Pell complained about the fact that I appealed to something called “‘the consensual view among qualified scientists’”. For him, such an appeal was “a cop out, a way of avoiding the basic issues…” Indeed, to write of the core conclusions of the climate scientists as “settled science” or as the “consensual view” represented what he called “a category error, scientifically and philosophically.”

    There are many ways of demonstrating the existence of this scientific core consensus, about whose non-existence the Cardinal seems to me entirely wrong. One obvious way is to provide a brief account of some of the statements released by some of the world’s most important scientific academies in recent years.

    In 2007, the presidents of the Science Academies of Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, United Kingdom and the United States published a common statement. In part it read: “[C]limate change is happening …[A]nthropogenic warming is influencing many physical and biological systems. Average global temperatures increased by 0.74°C between 1906-2005 and a further increase of 0.2°C to 0.4°C in the next twenty years is expected. Further consequences are therefore inevitable, for example from losses of polar ice and sea-level rise.” In October 2009, the presidents of eighteen relevant scientific associations in the United States, led by the American Association for the Advancement of Science, signed a joint letteraddressed to every member of the US Senate. “Observations throughout the world make it clear that climate change is occurring, and rigorous scientific research demonstrates that the greenhouse gases emitted by human activities are the primary driver. These conclusions are based on multiple lines of evidence, and contrary assertions are inconsistent with an objective assessment of the vast body of peer-reviewed science.” And in November 2009 in the United Kingdom, the Met Centre, Hadley Office; the Natural Environment Research Council; and the Royal Societyreleased a joint statement. “Climate scientists from the United Kingdom and across the world are in overwhelming agreement about the evidence of climate change, driven by human input of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.” The meaning of these statements seems clear.

    The existence of a core scientific consensus on human-induced climate change has also been proven by surveys of climate scientists. The results have been published in three recent academic articles each using a different methodology. In Science in December 2004 Naomi Oreskes published an article that showed that of the 928 peer-reviewed articles published in relevant scientific journals between 1993 and 2003, not one “disagreed with the consensus position” on the reality of anthropogenic climate change.  In 2009 Doran et al in EOS, The Transactions of the American Geophysical Union, asked 3146 Earth scientists whether they thought human activity was “a significant contributing factor in changing mean global temperatures”. While only 77% of non-climatologists thought it was, among the climatologists who published in the field of climate science, 97.4% agreed. In 2010 in PNAS, The Proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences of the United States, Anderegg et al conducted a survey of the peer-reviewed articles of 1372 climate scientists who had signed public statement either for or against action on climate change. Their conclusion? “97%-98% of the climate researchers most actively publishing in the field support the tenets of anthropogenic climate change outlined in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.” The conclusion to be drawn from these academic studies is clear. About 97% of climate scientists actively publishing in peer reviewed journals support the idea that global warming is happening and that it is primarily caused by human activity. If that does not constitute a scientific consensus I am at a loss to know what would. Yet Cardinal Pell characterises all of this as something as frivolous and as politically determined as “fashionable opinion”.

    Pell is not only wrong to deny the existence of a core consensus among the qualified climate scientists about global warming and its human cause. He is also wrong to believe that laypeople, like himself (and me), can arrive through uninstructed reasoning or speculation at our own conclusions about climate science. Commonsense ought to tell us that those without the requisite training or understanding have no rational alternative but to accept the conclusions of the scientists. In this area of highly sophisticated science, as in so many other similar examples, as Clive Hamilton once wisely put it, our problem is not what to believe but who. This situation of course is not without serious potential problem. If the climate scientists were divided on the core questions of climate change, laypeople would simply have no way of knowing what to believe. Fortunately, however, the scientists are not divided. They accept the fact of a rise in the temperature of the Earth in recent decades; the role played by human activity in that temperature rise through the burning of fossil fuels; and, in general, the kinds of grave potential danger posed. While concerning the precise pace at which the different outcomes of climate change will occur in the future there is no scientific consensus, on these core questions, consensus among the climate scientists undoubtedly exists. Consensus, of course, is not the same as unanimity.

    If Cardinal Pell believed he was able, through intuition, to understand particle physics better than the particle physicists or evolutionary biology better than the evolutionary biologists, his hubristic self-confidence would be merely absurd. He is however living at a time when fossil fuel corporations and other vested interests are seeking to create public confusion about the likely impact of increasing greenhouse gas emissions and when people are searching rather desperately for rationalisations that will allow them, in good conscience, to preserve their way of life by denying the need for radical action to reduce emissions from the burning of fossil fuels. Climate scientists are telling us that the future for humans and other species is imperilled. In combination with the current deluge of similar pieces by the expanding army of climate change denialists, Pell’s pronouncements have influence on public opinion and thus the potential to do real harm. In my view, he has used the authority bestowed upon him by high office in the Roman Catholic Church imprudently and irresponsibly.

    Cardinal Pell apparently believes that someone like himself – without scientific training; without scientific publications; without the capacity to read and understand academic scientific literature; without even the capacity to pass a first year university examination in one of the relevant climate science academic disciplines – is in a position to disregard the conclusions of 97% of climate scientists actively publishing in peer-reviewed journals which have been supported by the world’s major scientific academies. In denying the existence of a consensus among the climate scientists on core questions, and in arguing that laypeople without scientific understanding or expertise can come to their own conclusions on global warming, as if it were all merely a matter of opinion, Pell has committed what he might call a category error but which I prefer to call a cardinal mistake.

    Robert Manne is Emeritus Professor and Vice-Chancellor’s Fellow at La Trobe University and has twice been voted Australia’s leading public intellectual. He is the author of Left, Right, Left: Political Essays, 1977–2005 and Making Trouble. 

     

    In the Papal Encyclical on Climate Change, Pope Francis writes at paragraph 217

    It must be said that some committed and prayerful Christians, with the excuse of realism and pragmatism, tend to ridicule expressions of concern for the environment. Others are passive; they choose not to change their habits and thus become inconsistent. So what they all need is an ‘ecological conversion’, whereby the effects of their encounter with Jesus Christ becomes evident in their relationship with the world around them.

    I wonder if Cardinal Pell takes Pope Francis’ comment to heart.

    I will post a following blog by Father Bruce Duncan on the Pope’s Encyclical ‘Laudato Si’.

    John Menadue.

     

     

  • John Menadue. How the Australian Bishops and Rome ignored the warnings.

    Current Affairs. 

    We were warned about events such as in the Ballarat Catholic Diocese. But they were even worse than what we expected. Bishops have been warned for a long time but they have ignored the warnings. See article below that I posted on 22 February 2013.

    Bishop Geoffrey Robinson, formerly Auxiliary Bishop of Sydney (1984-2004) has consistently and firmly drawn attention to the damage that sexual abuse was wreaking on individuals and the integrity of the Catholic Church.

    As early as 1997, when launching ‘Towards Healing’, Bishop Robinson called on Pope John Paul II to commission a church-wide study of clerical sexual abuse. He was ignored and increasingly side-lined.

    Geoffrey Robinson has publicly said that he had suffered from sexual abuse. This made him more demanding of the Catholic Church in this area. He was also greatly influenced by the stories he had heard since 1994 when he had been appointed to the bishops’ national approach to what were called “Special Issues”. This subsequently became the Professional Standards Committee to develop procedures to respond to sex abuse complaints. This work culminated in ‘Towards Healing’. I am told by very well-informed sources that in this work on the committee he encountered both scoffing and disbelief from some bishops, including archbishops. He incurred the wrath of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and Cardinal Ratzinger personally for his supposed disloyalty and dubious orthodoxy.

    Unfortunately for the Church, Bishop Robinson resigned in 2004, soon after he had finished his term on the Towards Healing committee. His resignation was for health reasons. He is now ‘Bishop Emeritus’.

    After his resignation as Bishop, he commenced work on the book which he published in 2007 ‘Confronting Power and Sex in the Catholic Church’. That book highlighted two things. The first was that sexual abuse was an awful but only one expression of the endemic abuse of power generally in the Catholic Church. Second he highlighted that if the sexual abuse crisis was to be effectively addressed, the Catholic Church needed to make fundamental and far-reaching changes. He stressed that sexual abuse was at the core of the Church’s ugly culture and anti-humane procedures. In such a situation he insisted that the process of scrutiny and reform must go wherever the truth leads.

    In May 2008, after the publication of his book, the Australian Catholic Bishops’ Conference issued a statement critical of the book and Bishop Robinson. The statement said

    ‘…The book’s questioning of the authority of the Church is connected to Bishop Robinson’s uncertainty about the knowledge and authority of Christ himself. Catholics believe that the Church, founded by Christ is endowed by him with a teaching office which endures through time. This is why the Church’s Magisterium teaches the truth authoritatively in the name of Christ. The book casts doubt upon these teachings. This leads in turn to the questioning of Catholic teaching on, among other things, the nature of Tradition, the inspiration of the Holy Scripture, the infallibility of the Councils and the Pope, the authority of the Creeds, the nature of the ministerial priesthood and central elements of the Church’s moral teaching.’

    Take that, Bishop Geoffrey Robinson, for telling us some unpalatable truths!

    Before a proposed visit to the US shortly after the launch of his book he was asked by Cardinal Giovanni Re, Prefect of the Congregation for Bishops, to cancel his tour because ‘some bishops in the United States are concerned that you have been invited by some organisations that are not in communion with the Catholic Church’.  Bishop Robinson went ahead with the tour.

    Bishop Geoffrey Robinson has paid a price for telling the truth. In his own archdiocese of Sydney he commented ‘I have been excluded from a number of ceremonies usually performed by bishops. On the other hand, I have been overwhelmed by an outpouring of support from Catholic people’.

    The world Catholic Church and particularly the Church in Australia owes Geoffrey Robinson a great debt for his integrity and courage in the face of clerical bullying. He still has a lot to contribute, perhaps more than anyone else I know in the Catholic Church in addressing its present crisis.

    If only the bishops in Australia and Rome started listening to him way back in 1997 when he went public for the first time on the issue of sexual abuse in the Catholic Church.

    (I should add that I have not spoken to Bishop Geoffrey Robinson either directly or indirectly on these matters. I have only met him once and that was quite briefly and casually six or seven years ago.)

    John Menadue

  • John Menadue. Catholic bishops keep saying sorry, but avoid structural and cultural reform.

    Current Affairs.

    Catholic bishops keep telling us that they didn’t know and how sorry they are about the horrific events in Ballarat and in many other  parts of the Catholic Church before that. We all know how terrible these events are, but what have the bishops done  to address the opaque governance structures and cultural problems  that have contributed to this abuse. The Catholic Church is still run like an absolute monarchy. Sexual abuse of children is an appalling abuse of power but it is only one form of  abuse of power in a hierarchical and clerical system.In the selection of bishops for example the laity have little or any role at all.It is a rigged system.The laity who would know about sexual abuse are isolated and passive. There is a massive governance problem in the Catholic Church.

    Kevin Rudd said sorry to the Stolen Generation but very little changed. The same is true in the Catholic Church.

    Together with friends, I made a submission to the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. This submission was on 11 November 2013. It focused on the lack of accountability, the abuse of power, the problems of governance and a clerical culture that contributed to current problems.

    Our concerns were identified earlier by the Murphy Commission which was concerned with the Archdiocese of Dublin. That Commission found that the ‘structures and rules of the Catholic Church facilitated the cover-up’.

    The Victorian Parliamentary Enquiry into the Handling of Child Abuse by Religious and Other Organisations handed down its report ‘Betrayal of Trust’ on 13 November 2013. This report said ‘No representatives of the Catholic Church directly reported the crimes committed by its members to the police’. (p.170) The Committee found ‘that there is simply no justification for this position’. It said that in not once instance of the 307 cases involving the Diocese of Ballarat, Sale and Sandhurst did the bishops report directly to the police. That is extraordinary, even though the church cooperated once police enquiries were afoot.

    The submission to the Royal Commission can be found in the following link.

    https://publish.pearlsandirritations.com/religion/html_files/Royal_Commission.html

     

    The submission can also be found on the Royal Commission website under the item ‘Towards Healing issues paper’.

  • Kieran Tapsell: Mental Reservation at the Child Sexual Abuse Royal Commission

    Current Affairs

    On 28 May 2015, the convicted serial paedophile and former Catholic priest from Ballarat, Gerald Ridsdale gave evidence to the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse by video link from prison. Ridsdale is 81 years of age, and one might have expected him to have some memory problems. It is surprising, however, that he did not recollect ever living in the same house for a year with one of the few Australians to be made a Cardinal, George Pell.

    In the course of the afternoon, the Chair, Justice McLellan asked Ridsdale if he was familiar with the principle of “mental reservation”. Ridsdale admitted that it was something they talked about “in the priesthood”, but he couldn’t remember “what it is now”. McLellan asked:
    Q.     Do you remember that it might have something to do with justifying you not telling the whole truth when asked a question?
    A.     No, I didn’t know that.

    Mental reservation is usually more subtle than simply saying that you don’t remember something when you do. It involves giving an answer designed to deceive. Cardinal Desmond Connell, the former Archbishop of Dublin, explained “mental reservation” to the Murphy Commission, as deceiving someone without telling a lie: “….there may be circumstances in which you can use an ambiguous expression realising that the person who you are talking to will accept an untrue version of whatever it may be ….”

    The Catholic Catechism says it is permissible to use “discreet language” to avoid telling the truth which might create “scandal”. One such scandal is the role of six popes in ordering the cover up of clergy sexual abuse through canon law from 1922 onwards. Popes are absolute monarchs when it comes to canon law, and they are uniquely responsible for it.

    There is an exquisite piece of mental reservation in the 207 page submission of September 2013 of the Truth, Justice and Healing Council that represents the Australian Catholic Church at the Royal Commission. Francis Sullivan, the Council’s CEO described the submission as a “warts and all history going back many decades”. It mentions canon law quite a lot, but makes no mention of the secret of the Holy Office under Crimen Sollicitationis (1922 of Pius XI, and revised by John XXIII in 1962) or the pontifical secret under Secreta Continere (1974 of Paul VI) or its application by Pope John Paul II in his decree Sacramentorum Sanctitatis Tutela in 2001 and again by Pope Benedict XVI in his 2010 revision of it. These papal instructions and decrees prohibited Church authorities from telling anyone, including the police, about allegations and information on child sexual abuse by clergy. It is not surprising that there was a persistent pattern all over the world of Catholic bishops covering up child sexual abuse. In 2010, the Holy See agreed to a dispensation to allow reporting to the civil authorities, but only where there are civil laws requiring it. Very few countries have comprehensive reporting laws, and in Australia, only New South Wales and Victoria have them.

    The Councils submission to the Royal Commission states on page 132, par 10: “There is nothing in the 1983 Code that is in conflict with any applicable civil law obligations relating to the reporting of allegations of child sexual abuse.”

    That statement is true because the pontifical secret is not imposed by the 1983 Code, but by Secreta Continere, and Sacramentorum Sanctitatis Tutela which do not form part of the code, but they are still part of canon law. Those who know nothing about canon law would think from that statement that the Church’s law does not – and never has – prohibited reporting to the police, because that is what “codes” generally are – collections of all the laws.

    Even if the sentence read “there is nothing in canon law”, that would also have been true in September 2013 because of the 2010 dispensation. But it would still be misleading and not the “whole truth” because it was only true for the last 3 years of the “many decades” of the “warts and all history”, that the Council’s submission was supposed to cover.

    There is another reason why it may not be the “whole truth”. On 15 July 2010, the Vatican spokesman, Fr Lombardi, when announcing an exception to the pontifical secret to allow reporting where local domestic law requires it, said that reporting had to take place “in good time, not during or subsequent to the canonical trial.” Now, it is possible that Fr Lombardi was only advising bishops about the best time to report. On the other hand, he could have been imposing a condition on reporting, so that once a canonical inquiry or penal trial starts, then the pontifical secret applies, and there can be no more reporting, irrespective of what the civil law says. This is a matter of some importance, because an allegation of one instance of child sexual abuse might come to the attention of the bishop, and is reported in accordance with the civil law, but the Church’s inquiry or trial reveals another 20 cases by the same priest. If canon law only allows reporting before the preliminary inquiry or penal trial starts, then the pontifical secret would prevent reporting of those other 20 cases.

    In 2015, the Holy See seemed to confirm these limitations on reporting in the case of Fr Mauro Inzoli, accused of abusing dozens of children over a ten year period. He was dismissed by Pope Benedict in 2012, but Pope Francis reinstated him, and applied the practice of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith of allowing him to live a “life of prayer and penance” with restrictions on his public ministry. When the Italian magistrates wanted access to the documentation of his canonical trial, the Holy See refused, saying: “The procedures of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith are of a canonical nature and, as such, are not an object for the exchange of information with civil magistrates.”

    The Italian magistrates were seeking the production of documents produced “during the canonical trial” and their request was made “subsequent” to it. The reasons for refusing to produce them support the view that Fr Lombardi was indeed talking about a restriction on reporting.

    If that is the case, the statement in the Truth, Justice and Healing Council submission is even more misleading. I suspect we are going to hear a lot more about “mental reservation” as the Royal Commission hearings continue.

    Kieran Tapsell is the author of Potiphar’s Wife: the Vatican Secret and Child Sexual Abuse (ATF Press 2014)

  • Bruce Duncan. Pope Francis and the Abbott government

    Current Affairs

     Pope Francis has repeatedly called for greater social and economic equity in the world, and reiterated the critique of neoliberal economics very strongly. Now he is about to issue an encyclical, the highest form of Church teaching, on the need to reduce carbon emissions and global warming. What will our pollies make of this, especially Catholics in the Coalition government?

    Many observers are deeply puzzled by Abbott’s metamorphosis from being lampooned as ‘Captain Catholic’ into an advocate of neoliberal policies. What has happened to the man who called BA Santamaria one of his mentors?

    Whatever about Santamaria’s politics, he was strenuously opposed to neoliberalism, and all his life argued for the more equitable distribution of wealth and property, believing that this would spur a more responsible democracy, resulting in the wide dispersal of political power through cooperatives and forms of economic democracy.

    Pope Francis has renewed the moral critique of economics and politics. He has highlighted the Church’s opposition to neoliberalism, as it is termed today, which exaggerates the role of market mechanisms and minimises considerations of equity, social justice and fairness.

    Stigliz’s critique of neoliberalism

    Among the many leading economists advising the Vatican has been Joseph E Stiglitz, former chief economist at the World Bank. Stiglitz has warned repeatedly about the danger from the astonishing concentration of wealth in the United States, resulting in the impoverishment of millions. He blamed the ideology of neoliberalism for this, with its naïve view of markets disguising massive rent-seeking, political corruption and manipulation of governments by powerful special interests, including in supposed free-trade agreements drawn up in secret negotiations.

    In his latest book, The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and what we can do about them, Stiglitz again pointed out that the top 1 percent of Americans take nearly a quarter of the nation’s income each year, and control 40 percent of the wealth, leaving almost a quarter of US children under five living in poverty (p. 88, 303).

    By comparison, in 2012 the top 10 percent of Australian earners took home 29.7 percent of Australian income, the highest on record, according to a report from the Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research in May.

    Stiglitz called for “significant investments in education, a more progressive tax system, and a tax on financial speculation” (p. 392). In his view, “trickledown economics was totally wrong.” (p.415).

    To increase social equity globally, he supported proposals to include a ninth goal in the Sustainable Development Agenda: to reduce inequality so that by 2030 in no country would the top 10 percent of the population have post-tax income greater than the post-transfer income of the bottom 40 percent (p. 291).

    Following a visit to Australia, Stiglitz warned that the Abbott government did not seem to understand the basic dynamics of “deregulation and liberalization” that were driving increasing inequality and concentrating wealth in the hands of a few. Stiglitz was particularly concerned about the defunding of Australian research and universities. (p. 355-56).

    Pope Francis and Ban Ki-moon on climate change and inequality

    This June Francis will release his encyclical calling for urgent action to tackle climate change, challenging the views of climate deniers and highlighting the issue as a decisive one for Australia as it backslides on emissions’ reduction.

    After meeting the Pope in late April this year, the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon opened a Vatican conference on environment issues and their impact on poorer countries, with many leading development experts present, including Jeffrey Sachs, who helped coordinate the UN Millennium Development Goals.

    Ban said that religious leaders did not claim to be scientists, but could help mobilise the political will to address climate change. “The most vulnerable must be foremost in our thoughts this year as governments construct a global response to climate change and a new framework for sustainable development.”

    He warned that we are “on course for a rise of 4-5 degrees Celsius”, and concluded: “We are the first generation that can end poverty, and the last generation that can avoid the worst impacts of climate change. Future generations will judge us harshly if we fail to uphold our moral and historical responsibilities.”

    Climate change is one of the six main topics for the UN Special Summit in New York in September 2015. Pope Francis will address the United Nations on the first day of this Summit on 25 September, presumably reiterating the main points of the new encyclical, stressing the moral responsibility to redress global warming and eradicate hunger and extreme poverty.

    Our perplexing short-sightedness

    Is Australia pulling its weight in this critical moment, which could well be a catastrophic turning point in the history of humanity? Certainly not on managing climate change, as Pope Francis will indirectly remind us.

    And how about our contribution to eliminating hunger and the worst forms of poverty? The Coalition government has slashed our overseas aid budget savagely, driving our aid from its current 0.32% of GNI to its lowest level at 0.22% of GNI by 2016-17, less than half of what Australia gave in 1971-72 as a proportion of GNI. In the 2014 budget, aid was cut by $7.6 billion over four years, comprising a fifth of all budget savings. In December, another cut followed of $3.7 billion over four years. And to the surprise of Australia’s Foreign Minister, Julie Bishop, another $1 billion disappeared from the 2015-16 budget, reducing Australia’s aid commitment to less than $4 billion a year. By 2017-18, Australia’s aid will fall to 0.82% of government expenditure.

    Australians may rue the day we turned our backs on the needs of our neighbours. Australia’s RAMSI intervention in the Solomon Islands cost about $2.6 billion. Imagine what a failed state in Papua New Guinea or other nearby states would cost. We spend billions of dollars on border protection; we lock up some 1700 asylum seekers on remote Nauru and Manus Island at a cost of over $475,000 a year for each person; yet we refuse to see that improving stability and living conditions in poorer countries is the most humane and constructive approach, and that it is definitely in our national interest, not least because it offers a decent way to manage refugee and migration issues in the long term.

    Let’s hope that the Pope’s encyclical will help the blind to see.

    Fr Bruce Duncan CSsR is one of the founders of the advocacy group, Social Policy Connections, and Director of the Yarra Institute for Religion and Social Policy in Melbourne. This article first appeared in the Social Policy Connections newsletter on 2 June 2015.

  • Michael Kelly SJ. It can’t get any worse.

    Current Affairs.

    There’s a special irony in the Australian Catholic bishops’ recent statement “Don’t Mess with Marriage” which is a defence of the institution against proposals to recognise gay marriage.

    What are they defending? It’s not just the Catholic sacrament of marriage that is their focus of attention. They are worried about marriage as proposed under Commonwealth law. Over forty years ago when the Whitlam Government introduced the Family Law Act with no fault divorce that could be applied for twelve months after separation, it was denigrated as the end of marriage as we knew it and the ruthless destruction of the foundational institution of our society.

    Today the bishops see the Marriage Act as the pillar whose extension to arrangements affecting gays will undermine a foundational institution of our society.

    Am I missing something? Or is this one of the least prepared responses to a basic social change that affects people well beyond those that bishops are responsible for – those seeking a Catholic sacramental marriage? Even without any amendment to the Commonwealth definition of ‘marriage’, most marriages in Australia are not sacramental marriages.

    As one who grew up in a Catholic family where the divorce of my parents was adjudicated under the burdensome processes of the previous law, the change introduced by the Whitlam Government was a welcome relief. When a relationship is over, it’s over and to string it out over five years meant the experience of blaming and abuse was daily fare.

    Why do the bishops undermine their own credibility in this delicate matter when they can make no claim to speak for all Catholics, let alone all Australians, and their remit extends only to a particular form of marriage?

    Within days of the release of this statement on marriage, the Archbishops (minus the one from Adelaide who is facing charges related to claims he did not report a sex offender priest) leapt to the defense of Cardinal Pell who is under pressure for his part in the debacle in Ballarat where Pell was a priest. What he knew and what did he do about what he knew are questions the Royal Commission is asking.

    Long before any hearing, evidence, questions or testimony, the dogs were barking. But just to confirm the whole absurdity and before anyone has heard anything, the archbishops declare their support for Pell and tell everyone to stop picking on their mate.

    I wonder how many of the archbishops thought about how such an intervention simply confirms the perception that the bishops constitute an old men’s club, out of touch with the community and its concerns?

    There is also a deeper problem. How do people with so little sense of themselves outside ecclesiastical definitions, so oblivious to the world they are part of, get to leadership positions in the institution? The notoriously opaque process of episcopal appointments simply produces people to do jobs they can’t perform effectively or productively.

    Behind that problem is the self-sustaining clerical culture, described by the present Pope as the “cancer killing the Church”, propped up by the Vatican court which he described as the “leprosy on the Papacy”. Whatever the declared purposes of the Church, the delivery of its message about Jesus and service to people, the reality of the operation is severely at odds with these declared purposes.

    This system, in its present form, has been incubated over the last 450 years – since the Council of Trent in the mid 16th Century. Convened to correct the abuses of the medieval Church, it is now the carrier of all that is counterproductive in the Church’s conduct – the way still so many in the Church’s leadership still presume the survival of Christendom, the way bishops are appointed and operate, the way priests are trained and acculturated, the way parishes operate.

    What can one man – the present Pope – do in the relatively short time left to him? Not a lot. His current focus is on the most alienating feature of Catholic life today – the engagement with people whose relationships have gone sour. He hasn’t even reached the matter he describes as a “cancer” – clericalism – and how it is to be addressed by completely and operationally revising how ministry in the Church happens.

    Facing such challenges, I take comfort in the observation of Archbishop Daniel Mannix in the recently released and best of nine biographies of this commanding figure: “When it’s all boiled down, being a Catholic comes down to a few very basic questions”.

    But such a minimalist approach doesn’t distract me from the conviction that getting things right – or at least better than they are now – will take a lot of work over a long time. And it requires imagination and courageous leadership.

     

  • Garry Everett. Who’s Messing with marriage?

    Current Affairs

    A response to the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference’s Pastoral Letter entitled “Don’t Mess With Marriage”, May 2015.

    The Australian Catholic Bishops Conference issued this Pastoral Letter with three purposes in mind: to engage in the current debate about marriage equality; to present the Catholic Church’s teaching on marriage; and to explain the position of the Church to the wider community. The letter does not succeed as it should on any of the three nominated purposes.

    The letter is a curiously constructed document basically in two parts. The first part attempts to set out the Church’s views about marriage and marriage equality (“same sex marriage”); the second part provides a long list of undesired, and perhaps unintended outcomes, in other countries, of legislation which impinges on marriage equality. In essence, the Bishops re-state that marriage can only be between a man and a woman; that every child deserves to be raised by a mother and a father; that it would weaken the institution of marriage to share it with homosexual couples; and finally, they warn that marriage equality will lead to the erosion of long held freedoms of conscience, belief and worship.

    In setting out the Church’s teaching on marriage and same sex marriage, the Bishops restate certain philosophical-theological argument about treating like with like, concluding that a heterosexual marriage is not like a homosexual marriage, and therefore the two should be treated differently, and certainly not be identified by the same term, ”marriage”. “To do so would be unjust” the Bishops argue. Much of this part of the Pastoral Letter depends upon the definition of marriage. The definition advanced by the Bishops is: “A covenant between a man and a woman, to live as husband and wife, exclusively for life, and be open to the procreation of children.” In entering the debate the Bishops have argued that supporters of same sex marriage are trying to re-define marriage. However, the same charge could well be brought against the Bishops.

    In the mid-1960s, the Catholic Church held a Council known as Vatican11. The Church is still struggling to agree upon significant parts of the documents which emanated from that Council. In one document, the Council made an historic decision to change part of the church’s understanding of marriage. For centuries the Church had taught that there were two ends to marriage: having children (the primary end) and nurturing the love of the couple (the secondary end.) The Council removed the distinction between primary and secondary ends, thus rendering both ends as of equal significance. The Council went further acknowledging that “authentic married love “ was at the heart of marriage. Given this historic change, it is curious that in the definition of marriage provided by today’s Australian Catholic Bishops, makes no mention of the word” love”.

    This is significant, because their limited definition forces the Bishops to resort to a justification of marriage, based on “difference and complementarity”. These terms are explained as basically biological or anatomical concepts, indicating that men and women have different sexual organs, and that there is a natural fit (complementarity), which is not possible for homosexual couples. One cannot deny this argument, but it is not sufficient in itself to support a full definition of marriage. Most people would accept that marriage is the result of love. The usual sequence is: two people fall in love; they decide to marry; they decide whether to have children or not, and if so how many. The basis of marriage is both a reality and a mystery: love. To deny this is unjust and illogical.

    This leads us to consider the second aspect of the Bishops’ definition of marriage, namely having children (the Bishops use the religious term ”procreation”). Generally societies everywhere acknowledge that marriage provides a safe and suitable environment for the rearing of children. Again, research in the area of families tells us that a loving, nurturing, self-sacrificing family environment is what contributes most to the healthy development of young people. The Bishops argument is essentially that such an environment can only be provided by a mother and a father.

    Unfortunately, we know that this not always true. We also know, from a smaller set of cases, that homosexual couples can provide, and can fail to provide, such an environment. Successful child raising does not appear to flow from the genders of the parents, but rather something that is achieved through the love of the couple raising the children. This further underscores the centrality of the significance of love in any definition of marriage. As Fr. Richard McBrien in his classic text Catholicism puts it: “Consummation (intercourse) without love, is without meaning.”

    The Bishops also indicate that the notion of marriage equality as proposed, will de-stabilise marriage, and change retrospectively, the basis on which all existing heterosexual marriages exist. This is akin to saying that: “You can only make your candle glow brighter, by extinguishing the candle of another.”

    The concluding part of the Bishops’ letter provides a long list of undesirable outcomes which they claim flow directly from accepting same sex marriage. These are prefaced by a statement warning that “freedom of conscience, belief and worship will be curtailed in important ways.” In fact all the examples are cases of either poor legislation or its interpretation/application, or of both. It is indeed unfortunate that such incidents as those mentioned by the Bishops occurred, and the Bishops are right in drawing to our attention the need to be clear on how any new piece of legislation is framed in relation to existing legislation .The Australian Human rights Commissioner, Tim Wilson, makes an astute observation in this regard. He says: “ Conservatives rightly debate whether any change to marriage could lead to a slippery slope, particularly opening the door to polygamous marriage. But the two are not comparable……… The present push for same sex marriage has gained support precisely because it is a fulfilment of conservative expectations about the role of stable relationships as an essential building block of society, and a form of private social welfare through mutual dependency.”  Creating fear, by listing examples as the Bishops do, is not a defensible tactic.

    If we are to have a mature debate about the topic of same sex marriage or marriage equality, then all parties should show a willingness to listen compassionately and genuinely to the other’s experiences. Love not fear should be the guiding principle of the debate. The parties should be seeking a common solution, not a partisan victory. All this is part of the long evolutionary journey of our understanding of marriage. The term is resilient, and has shown an irrepressible ability to be modified and accommodating, in surprising ways.

    Garry Everett is a Catholic layman. He has been an adult educator for more than 40 years. He has a strong interest in Church, Theology and Scripture.

  • Frank Brennan SJ. ‘Amplifying That Still Small Voice’. Book Launch.

    ‘Amplifying That Still Small Voice’
    A collection of essays by Frank Brennan SJ
    Book Launch.

    Dates and times of the 2015 Book launches of Fr Frank Brennan’s latest book, ‘Amplifying That Still, Small Voice’:

    1. Tuesday 2 June North Sydney Catholic Parish Hall, 7.30 pm.

    2. Wednesday 3 June Hobart Town Hall, 6.15 pm.

    3. Friday 5 June, Newman College, Melbourne, 5.00 pm.

    4.Monday 8 June, Australian Centre for Christianity and Culture, Canberra, 7.30 pm.

    5.Thursday 11 June, Brisbane, Toowong Parish , 7.30 pm.

    6.Friday 19 June, Adelaide, St Ignatius Norwood, 7.30 pm.

    Frank Brennan has been a long time advocate for human rights and social justice in Australia. This collection of essays brings together some of his major addresses and writings on justice in the Catholic Church and in Australian society. Placing the individual’s formed and informed conscience as the centre piece in any work for justice, he surveys recent developments in the Catholic Church including the handling of child sexual abuse claims and the uplifting effect of the papacy of Francis, the first Jesuit pope. He then applies Catholic social teaching and the jurisprudence of human rights to contested issues like the separation of powers and the right of religious freedom, and to the claims of diverse groups including Aborigines, asylum seekers, the dying, and same sex couples. At every step, he is there in the public square amplifying that still, small voice of conscience, especially the voice of those who are marginalised.

    Frank Brennan is a Jesuit priest, professor of law at the Australian Catholic University, and adjunct professor at the Australian Centre for Christianity and Culture, as well as the College of Law and the National Centre for Indigenous Studies at the Australian National University. In 2014-5, he was Gasson Professor at Boston College Law School. He has written a number of books on indigenous issues and civil liberties. His most recent books are Acting on Conscience (University of Queensland Press, 2007), which looks at the place of religion in Australian politics and law and No Small Change (University of Queensland Press, 2015) which puts the case for indigenous recognition in the Australian Constitution. He contributed to Social Justice and the Churches: Challenges and Responsibilities (ATF Theology, 2014). In 2009, he chaired the National Human Rights Consultation. He is an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) for services to Aboriginal Australians, particularly as an advocate in the areas of law, social justice and reconciliation. Labelled ‘the meddling priest’ by Paul Keating and ‘an ethical burr in the nation’s saddle’ by Kevin Rudd, the National Trust has classified him a Living National Treasure.

     

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  • David M. Neuhaus SJ. The Holy See and the State of Palestine.

    Current Affairs.

    Last week’s headlines about the Vatican’s recognition of ‘the State of Palestine’ don’t do justice to the rich and complex history of the Church’s commitment to the Holy Land, its people and places, says David Neuhaus SJ. He describes how the Holy See’s discourse on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has developed over nearly 70 years.

     

    In recent days, Palestine and Palestinians have been very present in the Vatican. On 13 May 2015, the Holy See announced that the comprehensive accords with ‘the State of Palestine’ were being submitted for ratification to the respective authorities after the bilateral negotiations between the two sides had achieved their goal. On 16 May, President Mahmoud Abbas visited Pope Francis and was received as a head of state. On 17 May, Pope Francis canonised the first two Palestinian saints of modern times, Carmelite Mary of Jesus Crucified (Mariam Bawardi) and Marie-Alphonsine Ghattas, foundress of the Sisters of the Rosary.

    Some have rejoiced with the Palestinians, seeing these steps as important progress in recognising the suffering of the Palestinians and their legitimate rights. Others have been dismayed at the consequences these events might have for relations with the State of Israel and the implications for dialogue with Jews. It is important to put the events of the past days into historical perspective, recognising the development of the Catholic Church’s position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Catholic Church has been following closely the developments in Israel and Palestine for decades.

    After 1948, the Holy See repeatedly expressed deep concern both for the status of the Holy Places and the destiny of the Christian Palestinians, many of whom lost their homes alongside their Muslim compatriots in the first Arab-Israeli War in 1948. When Pope Paul VI visited the Holy Land in 1964, meeting with both Israeli and Jordanian political authorities, he made no explicit mention of the State of Israel or of the Palestinians. The Second Vatican Council inaugurated a new age of dialogue with the Jews; Nostra Aetate clearly explained: ‘(I)n her rejection of every persecution against any man, the Church, mindful of the patrimony she shares with the Jews and moved not by political reasons but by the Gospel’s spiritual love, decries hatred, persecutions, displays of anti-Semitism, directed against Jews at any time and by anyone.’ The document made no reference to the contemporary political realities in the Holy Land.

    As dialogue with the Jewish people developed, the demand by Jews that the Church recognise the State of Israel was insistent. However, the Church pointed out that while it understood the ‘religious attachment which finds its roots in Biblical tradition’, Catholics need not make ‘their own any particular religious interpretation of this relationship’. ‘The existence of the State of Israel and its political options should be envisaged not in a perspective which is in itself religious, but in their reference to the common principles of international law.’

    Pope Paul VI was the first pope to affirm explicitly the Palestinians as a people rather than simply as a group of refugees. In his Christmas message in 1975, he said: ‘Although we are conscious of the still very recent tragedies which led the Jewish people to search for safe protection in a state of its own, sovereign and independent, and in fact precisely because we are aware of this, we would like to ask the sons of this people to recognize the rights and legitimate aspirations of another people, which have also suffered for a long time, the Palestinian people.’

    Although Pope John Paul II received Chairman Yasser Arafat, leader of the Palestine Liberation Organisation in a private audience in 1987, it was the beginning of the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians in the early 1990s that led the Holy See to establish diplomatic relations with both the State of Israel (in 1993) and the Palestine Liberation Organisation in lieu of a future State of Palestine (in 2000). It seemed then that the conflict was ending and that soon the two sides would agree on the permanent and internationally recognised borders of the two states, Israel and Palestine. Alas, it was not to be.

    Before hopes for a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict were yet again dashed with the entry of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon into the Haram al-Sharif, the precincts of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and the beginning of the Second Intifadah in September 2000, a Basic Agreement was signed by the Holy See and the Palestine Liberation Organisation in February 2000. The agreement called, ‘for a peaceful solution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which would realize the inalienable national legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people, to be reached through negotiation and agreement, in order to ensure peace and security for all peoples of the region on the basis of international law, relevant United Nations and its Security Council resolutions, justice and equity.’

    Pope John Paul II’s visit to the Holy Land in March 2000 was ground-breaking as it set in place the gestures that were repeated by the pontiffs who followed in his footsteps. John Paul II was concerned with expressing the fullness of what had been achieved in the dialogue with the Jews, the fruit of Nostra Aetate, without forgetting the Church’s concern for the Palestinians and the commitment to working for justice and peace. The pope not only visited Israeli and Palestinian leaders, Jewish and Muslim shrines, but also went to Yad VaShem, the monument that commemorates the victims of the Shoah, and Aida Refugee Camp, where Palestinians have been languishing since 1948.

    Pope Benedict XVI, during his visit in 2009, further developed the conceptual clarity of the Church’s teaching on the conflict that has afflicted the Holy Land for almost seven decades. Without flinching, he evoked over and over again the Church’s vocation to build bridges rather than walls. In clear words he addressed the distressing reality of the Holy Land where walls are more in evidence than bridges: ‘Let it be universally recognised that the State of Israel has the right to exist, and to enjoy peace and security within internationally agreed borders. Let it be likewise acknowledged that the Palestinian people have a right to a sovereign independent homeland, to live with dignity and to travel freely. Let the two-state solution become a reality, not remain a dream.’

    Pope Francis, following in the footsteps of his predecessors, came to the Holy Land in May 2014. In Bethlehem, he captured headlines when he referred to his host country as ‘the State of Palestine’ rather than simply referring to the Palestinian people. However, this was no innovation but rather a consequence of the Holy See’s support for the November 2012 decision of the United Nations to admit ‘the State of Palestine’ as an observer member. This formulation, ‘the State of Palestine’, surprised some when it appeared in last week’s announcement that the Bilateral Commission of the Holy See and the State of Palestine had reached a proposed comprehensive agreement following the Basic Agreement that had been signed in February 2000.

    The Holy See has developed over the past decades an important discourse on the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, a discourse that takes into account the Church’s commitment to the Holy Land and its Holy Places, to the Christian communities, to a theological understanding of the Biblical tradition, to the dialogue with both Jews and Muslims, and to the Church’s mission to promote justice and peace. The Church continues to seek a way to proclaim the gospel values of justice and peace, reconciliation and pardon in Israel and Palestine.

    This might indeed be the time to remember the words spoken by Pope Francis as he played host to Presidents Peres and Abbas in the Vatican last Pentecost:

    We know and we believe that we need the help of God. We do not renounce our responsibilities, but we do call upon God in an act of supreme responsibility before our consciences and before our peoples. We have heard a summons, and we must respond. It is the summons to break the spiral of hatred and violence, and to break it by one word alone: the word ‘brother’. But to be able to utter this word we have to lift our eyes to heaven and acknowledge one another as children of one Father.

     

    Fr David M. Neuhaus SJ serves as Latin Patriarchal Vicar within the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem. He is responsible for Hebrew-speaking Catholics in Israel as well as the Catholic migrant populations. He teaches Holy Scripture at the Latin Patriarchate Seminary and at the Salesian Theological Institute in Jerusalem and also lectures at Yad Ben Zvi.

    This article first appeared in ‘Thinking Faith’ on 21 May 2015. 

     

  • Peter Day. Grappling with same sex marriage

    Current Affairs. 

    Human sexuality is a complex and fragile thing – far greyer than black or white. It is best tended to by gentle, wise, and humble hands.

    There hasn’t been much gentleness or wisdom surrounding the same sex marriage debate.

    Like most issues of public importance, we tend to be led to the voices of fear that inhabit the extremes, and both extremes certainly have fiery preachers who are skilled at trotting-out the emotive and incendiary; all taken-up with alacrity by a mass media and consumer market that revels in confrontation – confrontation that is too often devoid of intellectual rigour, dispassionate reasoning, and wisdom.

    Those for same sex marriage have cleverly positioned themselves under the canopy of equal rights, of marriage equality: “Thus, if you oppose us, you are not only homophobic, but support continued discrimination as well.”

    While those against counter with the not so clever approach that involves wielding a bible as though it were a hammer: “Adam and Eve, not Adam and Steve”.

    No wonder there is little mutual respect.

    There are many layers to a good debate, to prosecuting a good argument. The ancient Greek philosopher, Aristotle, held to three: logos (reason), pathos (emotion) and ethos (credibility); each complementing the other in striving for wisdom and truth. In the case of same sex marriage, however, discussion has tended to gravitate towards the pathos only, hence the emotion and pique.

    Each of us comes to life matters informed by different experiences and realities: gender, sexuality, atheism, belief, politics, religion, family, humanism, anger, fear, and so on. If each is honoured with a voice, then, in time, logic-pathos-ethos are given room to gently sort out the wheat from the chaff, and the common good is more likely to emerge.

    “If we are to understand someone else, we must know of what they are afraid,” so said English philosopher, Iris Murdoch.

    No one can tell me who to love

    So, what are the fears and assumptions that underpin those who support same sex marriage? Fundamentally, they centre on discrimination, on challenging and eradicating social and institutional prejudice. Thus, marriage is laid-out before us as a civil rights test: Are you for equality, or for continued discrimination?

    American writer Andrew Sullivan speaks for many when he says: “The Constitution guarantees the right to marry to murderers, to prisoners, to people with a history of neglecting their children, to people who have married 10 times … If all these people have a fundamental civil right to marry, as I think they do, we do too.”

    What Sullivan and others say has power because they are emerging from a longstanding and documented history of marginalisation, brutally so in many instances; one that is still quite pervasive. And churches of all persuasions need to reflect on their contribution to this injustice.

    Given this painful historical backdrop, the civil rights approach is both compelling and persuasive. After all, who wants to wear the responsibility of saying yet another “No” to those who have been marginalised and refused entry into much of the mainstream for so long?

    Same sex marriage is a bridge too far

    And what about the fears and assumptions that underpin those who oppose same sex marriage? Most tend to be shaped by religious affiliation – e.g. fidelity to scripture and dogma, the fear of secularism (modernity) eroding traditional values, and the rights of children to be raised by their biological parents.

    In regards to the latter, Canadian ethicist Margaret Somerville also speaks for many:

    “By institutionalizing the relationship that has the inherent capacity to transmit life, marriage symbolizes and engenders respect for the transmission of human life.

    “Advocates of same-sex marriage argue … that the inherently procreative relationship between a man and a woman means that opposite-sex couples who cannot or do not want to have children should be excluded from marriage; or, more extremely, that only a man and a woman who produce a child should be allowed to marry.

    “Even if a particular man and woman cannot or do not want to have a child, their getting married does not damage this general symbolism. The reproductive potential of opposite-sex couples is assumed at a general level and is not investigated in individual cases. To do otherwise would be a serious and unjustifiable breach of privacy.”

    Critics of these generally faith-based voices tend to dismiss them as out-dated, conservative, and intolerant: “Just more prejudice from believers fearful of difference, fearful of change.” The inference being that those who support same sex marriage embrace difference and, in so doing, are better able to tread the path of tolerance which is more readily countenanced within open-minded modernity.

    Yet, as the Dominican priest and author Timothy Radcliffe muses, “Is modernity so very tolerant after all? Lots of sociologists like Richard Sennett, argue that modern society is so fluid and mobile that we fear to really engage with difference. We have to pretend that we are all the same.”

    Whatever one’s take, in order for this debate to move beyond the superficial noise and emotional peaks and troughs that prevail, it behoves us all to listen with humility, even to positions that are antithetical – yes, even repelling, to ‘my worldview’.

    So where to from here?

    While the refrains, “marriage equality” and “no one can tell us who to love,” are compelling pathos, they are more sound bite than substance, and should not be allowed to stifle our collective grappling. Marriage is far more than just an expression of love between consenting adults; as for the accusation that it is inherently discriminatory until available to same sex couples, well, that also needs a lot more attention and rigour than is currently the case.

    Similarly, the issue cannot be hijacked by the intellectual mediocrity of those purveyors of religious bigotry and fundamentalism who retreat from reason and compassion, thus, undermining thoughtful, credible, and respectful debate. The same sex community has been shunted and bullied and belittled by irrational fear-mongers and brutes for too long.

    Australian journalist and author Paul Kelly invites us beyond the pathos to consider some of the ramifications that might otherwise go unnoticed:

    “The intellectual truth … is that this project is about changing the concept of marriage as the core institution of our civilisation. It needs to be addressed at this level.

    “The proposal is to strip from the law the idea of marriage as a union between a man and a woman and substitute two people. This means the removal of the concepts of motherhood and fatherhood from law … in favour of parenthood. Once enshrined in law, the education systems from primary schools upwards will teach your children the ideology of marriage equality, namely equality of homosexual and heterosexual unions, as the foundation for cultural norms, and a philosophy of family that is dictated by constantly evolving social behaviours and fashions.

    “This is a vast change in Australia’s secular and cultural values … [a] change [that] will institutionalise a new division: the state’s concept of marriage will stand in conflict with the church’s concept of marriage.”

    To discriminate v discrimination

    “In whatever context it arises, and always respecting the appropriate manner of its expression, love between two persons, whether of the same sex or of a different sex, is to be treasured and respected.”

    (Cardinal Basil Hume)

    A discriminating person is a person who can detect differences. In its basic sense to discriminate is to recognise and acknowledge difference. The problem arises only when we discriminate in order to advantage some and disadvantage others. Then we speak of discriminating against certain groups or certain people. This misuse of discrimination endangers all our institutions. Recognising and acknowledging difference is basic to medicine, as without it diagnosis would be little more than guesswork. It is basic to law, as without it verdicts would be arbitrary. It is basic to the whole scientific endeavour. The problem does not lie with discrimination (we should recognise differences), but with the purpose behind discriminating, and what it is used for.

    When we reflect on the fact that committed relationships are at the heart of a healthy society, we realise how important it is to respect, encourage, and celebrate the giving and receiving of love between heterosexuals and same sex couples. We must also dialogue with the hope of deepening our understanding of experiences that are foreign to us. The loving commitment of same sex couples to each other needs the kind of protection and support that heterosexuals have taken for granted.

    Surely we can achieve this while recognising that the two forms of union, heterosexual and same sex, are different, and significantly so. All societies, including our own, acknowledge the importance of heterosexual unions for the very continuance of the society. We call it ‘marriage’, and, as acknowledged earlier, while not every heterosexual union leads to procreation, the union, of its nature, is geared to it. This is not true of same sex love.

    Of course, a same sex couple can love and care for children whose nurturing is a fruit of their love. Children, however, do not come into existence as a result of their sexual union. And surely, as much as is possible, children have an inherent right to be nurtured by their biological parents?  If this has merit, one needs to consider the potential for same sex marriage to further entrench the separation of children from their natural parents, a separation that is becoming more and more prevalent thanks to new technologies, a prevailing individualism, and a collective infatuation with the self: “If I want it, I should have it; that’s my right.” The danger is children can become commodities to meet the social and emotional whims of adults; something for which we are all responsible.

    For the sake of the child and ultimately for the dignity of all, it needs to be clearly understood that one does not have a right to a child, whatever underpins one’s aspirations for parenthood.

    The committed love between same sex couples must indeed be “treasured and respected”, and while it is also a creative and nurturing reality for those involved, it has neither the biological complementarity, nor pro-creative capacity, that is inherent in a heterosexual union. It is a different expression of love and it should be treated and honoured differently. Thankfully, in relation to legal protections, same sex couples have been afforded what is justifiably their civil rights. 

    But,” as former Chief Rabbi of the UK, Jonathan Sacks says, “our compassion for those who choose to live differently should not inhibit us from being advocates for the single most humanising institution in history. The family, man, woman, and child, is not one lifestyle choice among many. It is the best means we have yet discovered for nurturing future generations and enabling children to grow in a matrix of stability and love …

    “Those who are privileged to grow up in stable loving association with the two people who brought them into being will, on average, be healthier physically and emotionally. They will do better at school and at work. They will have more successful relationships, be happier and live longer.”

     

    Peter Day is a Catholic Priest in Canberra.

     

  • Peter Day. It’s hard being a Catholic today.

    The gut-wrenching  accounts coming out of Ballarat this past couple of  weeks are enough to bring a man to his knees: stories of young people crippled by sexual abuse; stories of utter betrayal; stories we would rather not hear – stories we must hear.

    It is hard being a Catholic today.

    It is hard being a Catholic priest today.

    Our collective shame is deep, for some, even overwhelming, because good people are being condemned by association. But we must not fall prey to self-pity because as hard as it is for us, we are not nearly as innocent, or as damaged, as the children who are only now being given a voice.

    It is a time to listen to them;

    It is a time to be overwhelmed for them;

    It is a time to seek the truth with them.  

    Amid the carnage, it behoves us all in the church to be agents of change: to ensure that Christ’s exhortation to ‘wash feet’ is not left marginalised, but is embraced as a central and non-negotiable quality in our church leaders. 

    When all is said and done, it is better for a man, for a church, to roam the streets destitute, foraging for the bread of truth; than to roam the corridors of power feasting on privileges and food that does not last. For ours is a profound responsibility: to humbly and gently walk alongside others, especially the most vulnerable, no matter the cost.

    Peter Day is a Catholic Priest in Canberra.

  • Pope Francis and Raul Castro – The Jesuit Alumni.

    Current Affairs

    “If you continue talking like this, sooner or later I will begin to pray again and return to the Catholic Church.”

    That’s what Raul Castro confessed to having said to Pope Francis during their May 10 private meeting at the Vatican.

    The comment underscored a dramatic rapprochement between the two men, which some will point to as evidence that the Argentine pope is politically naive — or worse, that he’s really a communist. But to do so would be to commit as big a mistake as those that see him as a liberal.

    In fact, Francis’ politics are more complex than that.

    That was clearly evident during an April 30 gathering with young members of an Italian Catholic movement when he encouraged them to be politically active, but without creating a Catholic party. Quoting Paul VI, he said politics was one of the highest forms of charity. And in doing so he defended the art of politics in a largely post-political world where market forces dominate and the very word politics is almost invariably linked to stalemate and inability to deliver, if not with self-interest and corruption.

    This was just another example of how Francis has distinguished himself from his immediate predecessors in relation to the world of politics.

    First of all, the very idea of a pope encouraging Catholics to be active in politics is new, or at least it’s a return to an era in the Church that was not dominated by Joseph Ratzinger-Benedict XVI. In that period the magisterium’s overriding attitude toward politics was typical of a theology according to which politics had become the most dangerous of human activities, the most distant from the neo-monastic mentality.

    The cataloguing of “non-negotiable values” (an expression first coined in a doctrinal note that that Cardinal Ratzinger signed in 2002 as head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith) contributed to keeping Catholics distant from politics rather than influencing the quality of their political engagement.

    Now Francis has challenged this way of thinking, especially in the English-speaking world where the theology of radical orthodoxy, particularly active in academic circles, advocates that Catholics almost retreat from public life. These radical orthodox Catholics see politics as a field of human activity irredeemably contaminated by forces that seek to enslave believers to the power of government. In this mindset, government is seen as an idol, a substitute for religion.

    Pope Francis sees the present situation very differently from these prophets of doom. He rejects the anti-political mindset typical of radical orthodoxy (in academic circles) and of many other Catholics (especially among the younger generation) on the basis that we all are “political animals” (to quote Aristotle) that long to live together. This not only reveals his cultural upbringing — much more 20th-century modern than 21st-century post modern — but also of his ecclesiology. He speaks the language of 20th-century Catholic social thought (common good, politics as a service, politics as the specific vocation of some saints) for a 21st-century globalized world.

    The pope’s words are difficult for those that embrace a neo-sectarian version of Catholicism made up entirely of intentional communities and of closed-gate elites in a culture that seeks to substantially limit the legitimate power of the state and its government.

    They are also unsettling to those European Catholics still attached to the idea of having Catholic politicians in a Catholic party. Pope Francis has disavowed this and, in doing so, he has caused great discomfort among those Italian Catholics, for example, that admired Paul VI for his staunch support of their post-World War II party of Italian Catholics, the Christian Democrats (Democrazia Cristiana).

    In his April 30th speech to the young people, Francis praised the great heroes of European Catholic parties between the Second World War and the 1990s, such as Alcide De Gasperi in Italy and Robert Schumann in France. But he also paid tribute to Fr. Bartolomeo Sorge, an Italian Jesuit who questioned the legitimacy of demanding that Catholics vote only for Catholic politicians. For his stance, Italy’s bishops and the Vatican at the time of John Paul II branded Fr. Sorge a persona non grata. But he had clearly seen, long before others, the demise of the corrupt Democrazia Cristiana party that would come in the 1980s. And many Italians were elated that Pope Francis acknowledged him.

    But others continue to wrestle with the Francis’ ideas about politics, especially how they are very much focused on the poor, the marginalized, and the existential peripheries of our world.

    The Vatican of the pope “from the end of the world” is just a few steps from the cabinet of Italy’s young prime minister, Matteo Renzi, who does not come “from the end of the world” — he is the former mayor of Florence. But Renzi is no less a stranger as Francis to the old elite of Italian politics, especially to the Catholic political elite.

    Renzi is a Catholic that takes pride in ignoring not only the savoir faire of Italian politics in dealing with the Vatican and the Italian bishops, but also the typical issues that have always been close to the heart of Italian Catholics. This is not just the idea of the supremacy of secular politics vis-a-vis the Church hierarchy. It is also a matter of political priorities.

    Catholic social doctrine (support for the family, welfare and the poor, immigration) is conspicuously absent from his government’s agenda. Even though many in Renzi’s cabinet are Catholic, they keep their Catholicism as private as possible.

    Many Italians applaud this.

    But the Vatican and a portion of Italian Catholics are clearly unhappy with a leftist Catholic politician that comfortably discards many of the issues typical of the political culture of the left and Italian Catholicism. Left-leaning Italians (Catholic and non-Catholic) quip that their real political leader is Pope Francis. And this is not entirely a joke.

    The pope’s political culture is at the heart of his pontificate’s relationship to the globalized world. In this regard, it will be interesting to see the reaction he draws from American political pundits when he visits the United States next September and, even before that, when he releases his encyclical on the environment next month.

    We have already seen reactions to the political culture of the Jesuit from Argentina that became pope.

    They include three different kinds of opposition to Francis. First, there’s an institutional opposition made up of those who are part of the ecclesiastical status quo and do not like how he is reforming the way the Church works and behaves.

    Then there is a theological opposition formed by people that believe the Second Vatican Council was a mistake or, at least, that things went terribly wrong in the post-Vatican II period.

    And finally, there is a political opposition, a group critical of Francis for not understanding that Catholicism should be politically conservative.

    In the end, Francis’ politics encompass both the expression of his theological culture and his views on the role of the status quo, both in the Church and in our world.

    This article was published in Global Pulse on 13 May 2015. The link to global pulse is http://www.globalpulsemagazine.com/
  • Eric Hodgens. No Change in Priestly Recruits

    The Melbourne Age said on Sunday 3 May that the Catholic Church was attracting more trainee priests.

    SBS had a similar article.

    Both are factually wrong. The last big year of seminary entries was 1968. Recruitment dropped steadily for 20 years and has been steady for the last 35 years.

    Corpus Christi College is Victoria and Tasmania’s Catholic Seminary. It is typical of all Australia’s seminaries. Have a look at its entry numbers.


    CCC Entrants - 1923- 2015

    For 35 years Corpus Christi has averaged 9 entries a year. Only a third of them stay till they get ordained. That results in 3 or 4 ordinations a year.

    CCC Ordinations per Year

    Corpus Christi College should be ordaining at least 12 a year if it wants to have a ratio of one priest for each 5000 Catholics.

    Because numbers have been so steady for the last 35 years you are entitled to predict it’s not going to change. Change the way the Church is run – or die out.