Trump Two is the world’s big story – will he fly high and take the dollar aloft – or crash and fry? Whatever, he’s shading the sun from the right-wing blusterer next door who isn’t doing well after three months. Duncan Graham reports.
Prabowo Subianto is a frightening and frightened man. Standing in a jeep wearing camouflage and creeping down a paved road in West Java to streetside cheers when the nearest ‘enemy’ is 3,000 km distant is a scene best imagined by Hans Christian Andersen.
No little lad shouted the obvious; the Indonesian onlookers feared rousing the wrath of their president by speaking out.
The Republic’s Ministry, democratically elected to focus on policy, had to play dress-up soldiers and live under canvas for the inauguration. Now its plump, short leader is planning another military-style retreat for about 1,000 governors, mayors and regents elected by the people in November.
Democracy academics and activists are furious. Legal Aid Foundation Chair Muhammad Isnur said the plan shows how “heavily entrenched militarism is in the Prabowo administration.”
Starting as a teen Prabowo spent 28 years playing with guns. He made the army his life but was cashiered in 1998 for “misinterpreting orders” and ran away to hide in Jordan. At 73 he’s long out of touch with modern weaponry and military tactics yet plays childish games to impress citizens that a toughie is in charge, just like last century.
Today’s better-educated and more politically aware voters want a competent person running the world’s fourth-largest nation, a skilled diplomat earning international respect. Instead, they have a megalomaniac and policy butter-fingers.
The military, now led by a fresh generation of professionals, also thinks Prabowo is shoddy goods, no longer fit for purpose.
Some facts: The young officer’s promotion was accelerated by marrying then-President Soeharto’s second daughter, Siti Hediati Hariyadi, 24.
The marriage didn’t last beyond Prabowo losing his uniform and status; it seems hubby was more into bossing men in the field than satisfying a wife at home. She produced Didit Hediprasetyo, an unmarried fashion designer now in Europe.
Having proved his masculinity, Prabowo allegedly continued abusing human rights in East Timor; for this alleged behaviour, he was banned from visiting the US and Australia for almost two decades.
The anger from that shame drives policy as he cuddles closer to Beijing, the most prominent of his overseas trips so far.
The divorcees haven’t remarried despite public urgings by the nation’s matrons; unlike his predecessors, Prabowo has no leading lady on his arm at official functions to soften the image and show Indonesia as a cultured and sophisticated nation.
Enjoying an equal and respectful domestic partnership also means discovering what’s lurking in the dusty corners. Bereft of family in the sprawling 19th century Merdeka Palace, who does the lone President talk to, share his worries of the day in his creased safari suits?
Who can he trust to foresee the Ides of March? He’s surrounded by the lean and hungry who think too much; such men are dangerous.
His singleness distresses his subjects who want a bonded couple in the Palace, not an asexual military fantasist driven by discarded values. Indonesian culture holds little place for the unmarrieds and the childless. They’re not the future.
First President Soekarno happily admitted he was sex crazy and had nine known wives. His successor Soeharto had six kids with Siti Hartinah.
She whispered into the President’s ear as advisor, protector and gleaner from the gossips. Madam Ten Percent became infamous for her rake-offs from public projects.
President Three was technocrat Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, whose devotion to childhood sweetheart and fellow intellectual Dr Hasri Ainun was made into a feature film love story.
President Four, cleric Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) produced four girls with Sinta Nuriyah. Yenny is internationally famous as a human rights activist.
Their Dad was replaced by Megawati, now 77; Soekarno’s daughter has outlived two husbands and has three children. Puan is expected to succeed her mother as head of a party calling itself Democratic but better tagged as Nepotistic.
Then came General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono once a great friend of Australia. Despite his rank, he was happier in civilian clobber talking peace.
His late beloved Ani was reckoned so influential that ASIO’s sloppy spies wiretapped her phone and got caught, shredding all good relationships.
Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo’s wife Iriana was a graceful First Lady adding style to overseas functions with the seventh President, always slim and splendid in batik. But there’s no one on Prabowo’s arm or in his ear– and only five women in the 53-member ministry.
Government has reverted to blokes’ business and Prabowo’s presentations don’t help lift Indonesia to its proper place as a growing world power.
Across the world professionals who’ve fought battles and seen the results seldom strut and rarely brag; they’re more likely to be peacemakers than warmongers.
Although he displays a medal-laden chest the eighth President has no record of ever running anything more than a kindy campaign. His opponents were never modern military combatants with air-power, missiles and well-disciplined troops.
Instead, the ‘enemies’ have been Indonesian citizen guerillas in the jungles of East Timor and West Papua fighting with old shotguns, spears and arrows for their independence – just as the Javanese once fought against the Dutch colonialists.
As President, Prabowo has overseen stuff-ups and slammed firm decisions into reverse when hostilities flared – like an increase in the VAT. Being a civilian prez means listening to opponents; that’s not his forte.
Turkiye’s President Recep Erdogan and his delegation walked out of a Prabowo speech condemning Israel at last year’s D-8 meeting. Foreign Affairs in Jakarta said it wasn’t a snub – though that’s how it looked on video.
At a meeting with Chinese diplomats, Prabowo made concessions on territorial claims – later denied by Jakarta. The published texts show the Indonesian leader was caught out.
Domestically, gaffe has followed gaffe. Milk is off the free school food menu as costs have curdled the idea.
To keep the admirable scheme afloat almost AUD 10 billion extra is needed this year just to reach a quarter of the 2025 target. That’s according to project head Dadan Hindayana.
As in Australia, the National Health Insurance system is ailing fast as expenditure overtakes incomes; the need for radical administrative surgery is becoming obvious.
To avoid more mistakes Prabowo needs a fearless friend to speak frankly and tolerate his fury.
His VP is not that person. Jokowi’s son Gibran Rakabuming was chosen ostensibly to advise on youth issues (and keep an eye on Daddy’s legacy) as the two men are 36 years apart.
The dour-faced former small-town caterer is kept out of camera shot lest he eclipse his boss by poking his immature nose into the entrenched oligarchs’ odure.
He’s never shouldered a carbine so can’t swap soldier’s yarns. Gibran’s wife Selvi was a Catholic and is considered the smarts in the marriage, but women are not to be heard.
He looks lonely, seemingly resigned to play for tummy-rubs; the campus lefties have no leader in their campaigns to refresh democracy, a principle Prabowo wants to dump because it’s costly and clumsy.
That’s true: Democracy doesn’t suit dictators.
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.
Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.