The greatest single cause of the recent rise of antisemitism in Australia is the behaviour of Israel, which the Australian Government has not condemned.
The Australian Government has adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism, a definition criticised for equating antisemitism with criticism of Israel. It follows from this that, if the actions of Israel are largely responsible for the surge in antisemitic behaviour, then arguing that Israel’s actions are driving antisemititsm may be dismissed as yet another example of antisemitism itself: a catch 22 Joseph Heller would be proud of.
In a submission to a parliamentary inquiry on antisemitism, the Jewish Council of Australia reported that just 20 per cent of individual incidents of antisemitism were classified as antisemitic under its definition of ‘discrimination, prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews, or Jewish institutions as Jewish’. Almost half the incidents amounted to support for Palestine or criticism of Israel or Zionism but did not meet its definition of antisemitism.
Israel’s influence in Australia operates primarily through well-funded political advocacy, organised lobbying and strong political ties on both sides. This influence is most visible in Canberra’s foreign policy decisions and across major Australian newsrooms. The pro-Israel lobby is highly effective in contacting mainstream media outlets to clarify facts, provide commentary and challenge what they deem to be biased or antisemitic reporting. In A Balcony over Jerusalem (2017), John Lyons states the Israeli influence on media and politics in Australia is stronger than in any other nation.
Human rights organisations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have documented that Israeli policies against Palestinians constitute apartheid and are a crime against humanity. The International Court of Justice determined it is plausible Israel committed acts that violate the Genocide Convention. The brutality of the IDF, the slaughter of up to 75,000 Palestinians, withholding humanitarian aid to refugees, the use of starvation and deprivation of water, the deliberate killing of journalists, health workers and educators, the targeting of schools and hospitals, the ‘double-tap’ murders of first responders and the mass destruction of houses and civil infrastructure all justify the term genocide.
The UN Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory concluded that Israeli authorities and Israeli security forces committed four of the five genocidal acts defined by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Explicit statements by Israeli civilian and military authorities and the pattern of conduct of the Israeli security forces indicate the genocidal acts were committed with the intent of destroying Palestinians in the Gaza Strip as a group.
These atrocities occur within the context of an underlying popular prejudice against Jews that is as enduring as it is ancient. Jeffrey Goldberg, editor of The Atlantic, says we are seeing a deeply embedded hostility towards Jews reemerging as the barbarous events of the Second World War recede from our collective memory. An identifiable minority in Europe, Jews were easily cast as the ‘other’, making them convenient scapegoats during turbulent times, such as war, plague or economic depression.
This historical well of antisemitism had the pathological potential to be reactivated and exploited. The atrocious behaviour of Israel has done exactly that in Australia. A wave of horror, even anger, at the actions of Israel, has swept across us. For a minority, the wave has been enough to tip them into violent expression, be that a slur on a Jewish student, an ugly graffiti or a murderous armed attack.
However, the vast majority of Australians who have been horrified at Israel’s behaviour and the demise of Palestinians in Gaza have reacted by peacefully expressing support for Palestine and criticism of Israel: in demonstrations, street marches, vigils, online discussions and petitions calling on the government to sanction Israel just as Australia sanctioned Russia over Ukraine. Those driven by a hatred of Jews are a tiny minority, vastly outnumbered by Jews who stand in support of Palestine and against the behaviour of Israel.
Israel and its Zionist supporters, who claim to represent all Jewish people, have deliberately conflated public outrage against Israel with antisemitism. Witness the Israeli flags dominating the Bondi memorial event. Similarly, any antisemitic violence is seen as an attack on Israel. This in turn leads to situations where some individuals unfairly hold Jewish people collectively responsible for the actions of the Israeli government. Israel pours fuel on the fire with increased military violence even during ‘ceasefires’, the invasion of Lebanon and special laws that enable the execution of Palestinians.
Israel is imbued with a political and social psychology of victimhood that combines deep-seated existential fear with historical memory, particularly of the Holocaust, to foster national cohesion and security. The state is portrayed as constantly under threat. This legitimises military action, civil repression and condones racist violence and dispossession. The state as victim fighting for survival reflects the modus operandi of its leader. Netanyahu has characterised himself as a victim, attacked for ‘loving Israel too much’, while he does all he can to extend and prolong the wars that preserve his shaky coalition, and keep him out of court and in government.
Australia’s limited sanctions on Israel include travel bans and asset freezes on two extreme right-wing Israeli ministers, five other individuals, and targeted financial sanctions on one entity for involvement in settler violence. Australia has stopped short of the embargoes on arms exports to Israel put in place by Canada, Spain, Italy, Japan, Colombia, the Netherlands, Slovenia and Belgium. This is in contrast with more than 1,400 sanctions Australian imposed against Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine. These targeted financial, military, energy and technology sectors, and more than 1,100 Russian and Belarusian individuals and entities, including oligarchs, politicians, military commanders and key state-owned companies. This was Australia’s largest-ever sanctions response against another nation.
Meanwhile Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong has frequently stated that Australia will ‘always be a steadfast friend of Israel’. Australia hosted a formal visit by Israeli President Herzog, even though the UN Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry concluded that statements made by Herzog in October 2023 constituted direct and public incitement to commit genocide.
It did not have to be this way. The Australian Government could have clearly stated, by words and actions, that the behaviour of Israel has been deplorable and unacceptable, just as acts of violence and hatred against Jewish Australians are deplorable and unacceptable. If Wong had stood up and said Australia can no longer be a friend of Israel and sanctioned Israel as it has Russia, and made clear that continued Israeli violence and repression of Palestinians was utterly reprehensible, then perhaps some of the tide of anger displaced into antisemitism would have been significantly diminished. The Government had the opportunity to clearly condemn Israel’s actions, while deploring antisemitism in Australia. It chose to only do the latter, so, by default contributing to the antisemitism it condemns.
This article is an edited version of a submission to the Royal Commission on Antisemitism.
Paul Laris is a semi-retired health and human services policy tragic, health care users advocate, medical regulator, community activist, gardener and sailor.