When Hanson outflanks the Coalition on China, there is an opposition problem

BYD EV Sealion 7 display at the BYD Hong Kong Tech Week on November 10, 2025 Photo by Kobe Li Nexpher Images. Alamy image ID3D4FK2E

The real threat to Australia’s economic resilience is not a fleet of Chinese-made parliamentary vehicles but decades of industrial decline. The failure to confront that reality is creating political space for One Nation to occupy.

There is a sentence I never expected to write. But here we are.

On the question of what Australia should do about its economic vulnerabilities and industrial dependencies, Pauline Hanson is currently asking more substantive questions than the official opposition.

That is not a compliment to Hanson. Instead, it’s a diagnosis of our official Opposition.

Last week, The Age reported that more than 30 per cent of taxpayer-funded parliamentary vehicles are Chinese-made EVs. Opposition special minister of state James McGrath promptly called for a security review, warning that these vehicles were “effectively rolling Chinese data centres” and should “set off alarm bells across the parliament.”

The alarm bells duly rang. The press releases duly followed.

There was, however, a small problem with the narrative: the security agency whose testimony had been recruited to power it said nothing of the sort.

According to the same report by The Age, ASIO deputy director-general Lisa Alonso Love told Senate estimates that parliamentarians should not have sensitive conversations in any vehicle, connected or otherwise.

She named no brands. She identified no country-specific threat. The principle – classified conversations belong in secure environments, not in cars – applies to every connected vehicle regardless of manufacturer. Greens senator David Shoebridge made exactly this point during the same hearing. It did not make the headline.

When intelligence professionals deliberately avoid naming a country or a manufacturer, that deliberateness is itself informative.

If the evidence warranted a China-specific warning, they would issue one.

They did not.

Invoking ASIO’s credibility to support a conclusion ASIO itself did not reach is not deference to our security agencies. It is something rather closer to the opposite.

The hollowing out nobody wants to talk about

Here is the debate the Coalition is not having.

Australia no longer manufactures passenger vehicles. It imports most of its solar panels, batteries, and energy transition equipment. It exports iron ore and imports the industrial goods made from it. The dependency that genuinely threatens Australia’s economic sovereignty is this structural hollowing out of national industrial capability, not a fleet of parliamentary EVs.

Pauline Hanson – yes, that Pauline Hanson – has recently, in one of her routine anti-China addresses, at least asked the structural question: Australia’s vulnerability requires rebuilding what the country actually produces.

One can reject her broader politics, and there are substantial reasons to do so, while acknowledging she has shifted the discussion from symbolism to economic capability.

Hanson did not suddenly get smarter. What happened is that the Coalition vacated this ground, and she walked into it.

A party in search of a reason to exist

Which brings us to the harder question: why?

Start with the electoral record. The 2025 election reduced the Coalition to 43 seats in the House of Representatives – its lowest seat share on record – following the 2022 defeat. Across both campaigns, voters consistently ranked cost of living, housing, and economic management as their primary concerns. Labor won by talking about those things. The Coalition lost by not doing so convincingly.

The lesson most parties would draw is that economic credibility requires rebuilding. The lesson the Coalition appears to have drawn is that the China card needs to be played louder.

Why? Because building a new economic offer would require the Coalition to confront an inconvenient inheritance.

Angus Taylor’s Budget Reply – the party’s most recent statement of economic intent – provides the evidence. Seven measures are offered. Housing is primarily a migration problem, resolved by capping arrivals to the number of homes built annually. Energy security means scrapping the Safeguard Mechanism and fast-tracking fossil fuel projects. On the question of what drives economic growth, Taylor is explicit: “Government does not grow the economy, private enterprise does.”

That last line is the philosophical commitment that forecloses the policy options the moment actually requires. A party that spent a generation arguing government should get out of the way cannot, without considerable awkwardness, propose that government get back in the way to rebuild a manufacturing base. So it does not propose this. It offers tax indexation and instant asset write-offs instead: measures that are not nothing, but are also not an answer to the question of what Australia produces, and what happens when it does not produce enough of anything important.

This is the bind. If you cannot touch the structural problems, and you cannot intervene in the market, and you cannot credibly promise to build or make anything, then what remains is to restrict immigration and blame China.

The parliamentary vehicle fleet, viewed in this light, is not a lapse in strategic thinking. It is the strategy.

A simple discipline

Hanson is not the cause of the Coalition’s problem. She is the symptom – the creature that fills the political ecological niche left by a party that stopped talking to working Australians about their working lives, and started talking to the cameras about car parks.

ASIO’s advice was a simple one: sensitive conversations belong in secure rooms, not in cars.

Australia’s political conversation might benefit from a similar discipline: argued on evidence, not borrowed authority, and at the level of policy rather than symbolism. The country faces real questions about economic resilience and industrial capability. Those questions deserve an opposition prepared to engage with them seriously.

That is not the opposition we currently have.

The question is whether it is the opposition we are going to get, or whether we will spend another parliamentary term watching senators discover, with fresh alarm, what brand of car is in the driveway.

There is, however, a more devastating scenario – for the Coalition, and for Australia’s multicultural society alike.

At the current trajectory, it is not impossible to imagine Pauline Hanson formally leading a parliamentary inquiry into Australia’s industrial policy as the official voice of the opposition.

This is not as far-fetched as it sounds. A party that cannot articulate an industrial policy eventually cedes that ground entirely, and the person waiting to occupy it holds a vision of this country that most Australians would find alarming.

That is the stakes. A car park full of Chinese EVs is the least of it.

Fred Zhang

Fred Zhang has worked across major, community, and industry media outlets in Australia for a decade. He has a keen interest in multicultural communications and strategic public engagement.